The Pronk Pop Show 352, October 20, 2014, Story 1: Tyrant Obama’s October Surprise Shafts American People: Permanent Resident Cards (PRC) and Employment Authorization Document (EAD) cards (green cards and work permit cards) — The requirement is for an estimated minimum of 4 million cards annually with the potential to buy as many as 34 million cards total! — Executive Fiat Is Illegal, Unconstitutional and Impeachable — Throw The Tyrant Out — Deport 30-50 Million Illegal Aliens — Videos

Posted on October 21, 2014. Filed under: Blogroll, Communications, Diseases, Drugs, Ebola, Economics, Employment, Federal Government, Foreign Policy, Gangs, Government, Illegal Drugs, Private Sector Unions, Public Sector Unions, Unemployment, Unions, Wealth, Wisdom | Tags: , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , |

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The Pronk Pops Show Podcasts

Pronk Pops Show 352: October 20, 2014

Pronk Pops Show 351: October 17, 2014

Pronk Pops Show 350: October 16, 2014

Pronk Pops Show 349: October 15, 2014

Pronk Pops Show 348: October 14, 2014

Pronk Pops Show 347: October 13, 2014

Pronk Pops Show 346: October 9, 2014

Pronk Pops Show 345: October 8, 2014

Pronk Pops Show 344: October 6, 2014

Pronk Pops Show 343: October 3, 2014

Pronk Pops Show 342: October 2, 2014

Pronk Pops Show 341: October 1, 2014

Pronk Pops Show 340: September 30, 2014

Pronk Pops Show 339: September 29, 2014

Pronk Pops Show 338: September 26, 2014

Pronk Pops Show 337: September 25, 2014

Pronk Pops Show 336: September 24, 2014

Pronk Pops Show 335: September 23 2014

Pronk Pops Show 334: September 22 2014

Pronk Pops Show 333: September 19 2014

Pronk Pops Show 332: September 18 2014

Pronk Pops Show 331: September 17, 2014

Pronk Pops Show 330: September 16, 2014

Pronk Pops Show 329: September 15, 2014

Pronk Pops Show 328: September 12, 2014

Pronk Pops Show 327: September 11, 2014

Pronk Pops Show 326: September 10, 2014

Pronk Pops Show 325: September 9, 2014

Pronk Pops Show 324: September 8, 2014

Pronk Pops Show 323: September 5, 2014

Pronk Pops Show 322: September 4, 2014

Pronk Pops Show 321: September 3, 2014

Pronk Pops Show 320: August 29, 2014

Pronk Pops Show 319: August 28, 2014

Pronk Pops Show 318: August 27, 2014 

Pronk Pops Show 317: August 22, 2014

Pronk Pops Show 316: August 20, 2014

Pronk Pops Show 315: August 18, 2014

Pronk Pops Show 314: August 15, 2014

Pronk Pops Show 313: August 14, 2014

Pronk Pops Show 312: August 13, 2014

Pronk Pops Show 311: August 11, 2014

Pronk Pops Show 310: August 8, 2014

Pronk Pops Show 309: August 6, 2014

Pronk Pops Show 308: August 4, 2014

Pronk Pops Show 307: August 1, 2014 

Pronk Pops Show 306: July 31, 2014

Pronk Pops Show 305: July 30, 2014

Pronk Pops Show 304: July 29, 2014

Pronk Pops Show 303: July 28, 2014

Pronk Pops Show 302: July 24, 2014

Pronk Pops Show 301: July 23, 2014

Pronk Pops Show 300: July 22, 2014

Pronk Pops Show 299: July 21, 2014

Pronk Pops Show 298: July 18, 2014

Pronk Pops Show 297: July 17, 2014

Pronk Pops Show 296: July 16, 2014

Pronk Pops Show 295: July 15, 2014

Pronk Pops Show 294: July 14, 2014

Pronk Pops Show 293: July 11, 2014

Pronk Pops Show 292: July 9, 2014

Pronk Pops Show 291: July 7, 2014

Pronk Pops Show 290: July 3, 2014

Pronk Pops Show 289: July 2, 2014

Story 1: Tyrant Obama’s October Surprise Shafts American People: Permanent Resident Cards (PRC) and Employment Authorization Document (EAD) cards (green cards and work permit cards) — The requirement is for an estimated minimum of 4 million cards annually with the potential to buy as many as 34 million cards total! — Illegal, Unconstitutional and Impeachable — Throw The Tyrant Out — Deport 30-50 Million Illegal Aliens — VideosPRCpermanent resident cardEmployment Authorization card

Rpt: Obama Admin May Planning Executive Action On Amnesty – 34M Green Cards? – America’s Newsroom

Obama Says He Will Unilaterally Legalize Illegal Aliens but n0t Until After the Next Elections

Ted Cruz Calls On Harry Reid To Bring Bill Defunding DACA To Senate Floor

Stop President Obama’s Amnesty!

Rush Limbaugh – Amnesty Is The Reason Obama Won’t Stop Ebola Fights From Africa

White House Tells Latino Lawmakers President Obama Will Take Executive Action After Midterms

Senate Republican: US Immigration System ‘Unlawful,’ Lacks ‘Integrity’

Mark Levin Obama Will Use Executive Fiat to Grant Amnesty

2014 August Breaking News USA Barack Obama White House Hid Huge Spike Of Families Crossing Border

Foreign Children At Mexican Border Creating Humanitarian Crisis For U.S.

Obama Eases Deportation Rules – Obama halts deportations – immigration

Permanent residence (United States)

5 Harmful Mistakes to Avoid in Your Immigration Case

Tips for Understanding the Green Card Process in the U.S.

9 Misconceptions about the Green Card

The Citizenship Interview and Test

H-1B Work Visas: Basic Requirements

H-1B Work Visa, The Main Way to Get a Work Permit in the USA, Part 1, Basic Requirements

Immigration Professor, De-Stressing Deportation, Part 2, Cancellation of Removal

Immigration Professor, Unlawful Presence and Unlawful Presence Waivers, Part 1 of 3

Immigration Professor, Unlawful Presence and Unlawful Presence Waivers, Part 2 of 3

Immigration Professor, Unlawful Presence and Unlawful Presence Waivers, Part 3 of 3

EXCLUSIVE: OBAMA ADMINISTRATION QUIETLY PREPARES ‘SURGE’ OF MILLIONS OF NEW IMMIGRANT IDS

Despite no official action from the president ahead of the election, the Obama administration has quietly begun preparing to issue millions of work authorization permits, suggesting the implementation of a large-scale executive amnesty may have already begun.

Unnoticed until now, a draft solicitation for bids issued by U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS) Oct. 6 says potential vendors must be capable of handling a “surge” scenario of 9 million id cards in one year “to support possible future immigration reform initiative requirements.”

The request for proposals says the agency will need a minimum of four million cards per year. In the “surge,” scenario in 2016, the agency would need an additional five million cards – more than double the baseline annual amount for a total of 9 million.

“The guaranteed minimum for each ordering period is 4,000,000 cards. The estimated maximum for the entire contract is 34,000,000 cards,” the document says.

The agency is buying the materials need to construct both Permanent Residency Cards (PRC), commonly known as green cards, as well as Employment Authorization Documentation (EAD) cards which have been used to implement President Obama’s “Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals” (DACA) program. The RFP does not specify how many of each type of card would be issued.

Jessica Vaughan, an immigration expert at the Center for Immigration Studies and former State Department official, said the document suggests a new program of remarkable breadth.

The RFP “seems to indicate that the president is contemplating an enormous executive action that is even more expansive than the plan that Congress rejected in the ‘Gang of Eight’ bill,” Vaughan said.

Last year, Vaughan reviewed the Gang of Eight’s provisions to estimate that it would have roughly doubled legal immigration. In the “surge” scenario of this RFP, even the relatively high four million cards per year would be more than doubled, meaning that even on its own terms, the agency is preparing for a huge uptick of 125 percent its normal annual output.

It’s not unheard of for federal agencies to plan for contingencies, but the request specifically explains that the surge is related to potential changes in immigration policy.

“The Contractor shall demonstrate the capability to support potential ‘surge’ in PRC and EAD card demand for up to 9M cards during the initial period of performance to support possible future immigration reform initiative requirements,” the document says.

A year ago, such a plan might have been attributed to a forthcoming immigration bill. Now, following the summer’s border crisis, the chances of such a new law are extremely low, giving additional credence to the possibility the move is in preparation for an executive amnesty by Obama.

Even four million combined green cards and EADs is a significant number, let alone the “surge” contemplated by USCIS. For instance, in the first two years after Obama unilaterally enacted DACA, about 600,000 people were approved by USCIS under the program. Statistics provided by USCIS on its website show that the entire agency had processed 862,000 total EADs in 2014 as of June.

Vaughan said EADs are increasingly coming under scrutiny as a tool used by the Obama administration to provide legalization for groups of illegal aliens short of full green card status.

In addition to providing government approval to work for illegal aliens, EADs also cost significantly less in fees to acquire, about $450 compared to more than $1000. In many states, EADs give aliens rights to social services and the ability to obtain drivers’ licenses.

Vaughan noted there are currently about 4.5 million individuals waiting for approval for the green cards having followed immigration law and obtained sponsorships from relatives in the U.S. or otherwise, less than the number of id cards contemplated by the USCIS “surge.”

USCIS officials did not provide additional information about the RFP by press time.

Card Consumables

Solicitation Number: HSSCCG-14-R-00028
Agency: Department of Homeland Security
Office: Citizenship & Immigration Services
Location: USCIS Contracting Office

Note:

There have been modifications to this notice. You are currently viewing the original synopsis. To view the most recent modification/amendment, click here

Solicitation Number:
HSSCCG-14-R-00028
Notice Type:
Presolicitation
Synopsis:
Added: Oct 03, 2014 4:47 pm

USCIS Contracting will be posting a solicitation for the requirement of Card Stock used by the USCIS Document Management Division. The objective of this procurement is to provide card consumables for the Document Management Division (DMD) that will be used to produce Permanent Resident Cards (PRC) and Employment Authorization Documentation (EAD) cards. The requirement is for an estimated 4 million cards annually with the potential to buy as many as 34 million cards total. The ordering periods for this requirement shall be for a total of five (5) years. This is a Firm Fixed Price (FFP) supply purchase for commercial items, utilizing North American Industry Classification System (NAICS) code 325211 and Product / Service Code (PSC) 9330. This requirement is for the acquisition of 100% polycarbonate solid body card stock with Radio Frequency Identification (RFID) and holographic images embedded within the card construction substrate layers, card design service, and storage.

The solicitation will be posted at this FedBidOpps webpage.

Contracting Office Address:
70 Kimball Avenue
Burlington, Vermont 05403

https://www.fbo.gov/index?s=opportunity&mode=form&id=20bc202b0a49bbe9f2a705782dba0090&tab=core&tabmode=list&=

United States Citizenship and Immigration Services

United States Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS) is a component of the United States Department of Homeland Security (DHS). It performs many administrative functions formerly carried out by the former United States Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS), which was part of the Department of Justice. The stated priorities of the USCIS are to promote national security, to eliminate immigration case backlogs, and to improve customer services. USCIS is headed by a director, currently Leon Rodriguez, who reports directly to the Deputy Secretary for Homeland Security.[1]

Functions

Atlanta, Georgia

USCIS is charged with processing immigrant visa petitions, naturalization petitions, and asylum and refugeeapplications, as well as making adjudicative decisions performed at the service centers, and managing all other immigration benefits functions (i.e., not immigration enforcement) performed by the former INS. Other responsibilities include:

  • Administration of immigration services and benefits
  • Adjudicating asylum claims
  • Issuing employment authorization documents (EAD)
  • Adjudicating petitions for non-immigrant temporary workers (H-1B, O-1, etc.)
  • Granting lawful permanent resident status
  • Granting United States citizenship

While core immigration benefits functions remain the same as under the INS, a new goal is to process applications efficiently and effectively. Improvement efforts have included attempts to reduce the applicant backlog, as well as providing customer service through different channels, including the National Customer Service Center (NCSC) with information in English and Spanish, Application Support Centers (ASCs), the Internet and other channels. The enforcement of immigration laws remain under CBP and ICE.

USCIS focuses on two key points on the immigrant’s journey towards civic integration: when they first become permanent residents and when they are ready to begin the formal naturalization process. A lawful permanent resident is eligible to become a citizen of the United States after holding the Permanent Resident Card for at least five continuous years, with no trips out of the United States that last for 180 days or more. If, however, the lawful permanent resident marries a U.S. citizen, eligibility for U.S. citizenship is shortened to three years so long as the resident has been living with the spouse continuously for at least three years and the spouse has been a citizen for at least three years.

Forms

USCIS handles all forms and processing materials related to immigration and naturalization. This is evident from USCIS’s predecessor, the INS, (Immigration and Naturalization Service) which is defunct as of May 9, 2003.

USCIS currently handles two kinds of forms: those relating to immigration, and those related to naturalization. Forms are designated by a specific name, and an alphanumeric sequence consisting of one letter, followed by two or three digits. Forms related to immigration are designated with an I (for example, I-551, Permanent Resident Card) and forms related to naturalization are designated by an N (for example, N-400, Application for Naturalization).

Immigrations courts and judges

The United States immigration courts and immigration judges, and the Board of Immigration Appeals which hears appeals from them, are part of the Executive Office for Immigration Review (EOIR) within the United States Department of Justice. (USCIS is part of the Department of Homeland Security.)

Operations]

Internet presence]

USCIS’ official website is USCIS.gov. The site was redesigned in 2009 and unveiled on September 22, 2009.[2]

The redesign made the web page interface more similar to the Department of Homeland Security’s official website. The last major redesign before 2009 took place in October 2006.

Also, USCIS runs an online appointment scheduling service known as INFOPASS. This system allows people with questions about immigration to come into their local USCIS office and speak directly with a government employee about their case and so on. This is an important way in which USCIS serves the public. USCIS maintains a blog entitled “The Beacon” as well as the “@uscis” Twitter account.

Funding

Unlike most other federal agencies, USCIS is funded almost entirely by user fees.[3] Under President George W. Bush’s FY2008 budget request, direct congressional appropriations made about 1% of the USCIS budget and about 99% of the budget was funded through fees. The total USCIS FY2008 budget was projected to be $2.6 billion.[4]

Staffing

USCIS consists of 18,000 federal employees and contractors working at 250 offices around the world.[5]

History

The INS was widely seen as ineffective, particularly after scandals that arose after September 11, 2001.[6] On November 25, 2002, President George W. Bush signed the Homeland Security Act of 2002 into law. This law transferred the Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS) functions to the Department of Homeland Security(DHS). Immigration enforcement functions were placed within the U.S. Customs and Border Protection (CBP) at the border and Ports-of-Entry while U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) within land. The immigration service functions were placed into the separate USCIS. USCIS was formerly and briefly named the U.S. Bureau of Citizenship and Immigration Services (BCIS), before becoming USCIS.[7]

On March 1, 2003, the INS ceased to exist and services provided by that organization transitioned into USCIS. Eduardo Aguirre was appointed the first USCIS Director by President Bush. In December 2005, Emilio T. Gonzalez, Ph. D., was confirmed by the U.S. Senate as the Director of USCIS, and he held this position until April 2008.[8] Nominated by President Barack Obama on April 24 and unanimously confirmed on August 7 by the U.S. Senate, Alejandro Mayorkas was sworn in as USCIS Director on August 12, 2009.

See also

References

 This article incorporates public domain material from websites or documents of the United States Department of Homeland Security.

  1. Jump up^ “U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services”. United States Citizenship and Immigration Services. Department of Homeland Security. Retrieved 1 May 2014.
  2. Jump up^ “Secretary Napolitano and USCIS Director Mayorkas Launch Redesigned USCIS Website” (Press release). United States Department of Homeland Security. September 22, 2009. Retrieved April 10, 2010.
  3. Jump up^ CIS Ombudsman’s 2007 Annual Report, pages 46-47
  4. Jump up^ USCIS FY2008 budget request fact sheet
  5. Jump up^ USCIS website
  6. Jump up^ Special report “The INS’s Contacts With Two September 11 Terrorists” by the U.S. DOJ Inspector General, May 20, 2002, at http://www.usdoj.gov
  7. Jump up^ Name Change From the Bureau of Citizenship and Immigration Services to U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services [69 FR 60938] [FR 39-04]. Uscis.gov. Retrieved on 2013-07-23.
  8. Jump up^ Leadership info at http://www.uscis.gov

External links

Employment authorization document

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

An employment authorization document (EAD, Form I-766), EAD card, known popularly as a “work permit”, is a document issued by United States Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS) that provides its holder a legal right to work in the US. It is similar to, but should not be confused with the green card.

Certain ‘aliens’ (non-residents) who are temporarily in the United States may file a Form I-765, application for employment authorization, to request an EAD. An EAD is issued for a specific period of time based on alien’s immigration situation. Foreign nationals with an EAD can lawfully work in the United States for any employer.

Aliens who are sponsored by US employers and issued temporary work visas for such as H, I, L-1 or O-1 visas are authorized to work for the sponsoring employer, through the duration of the visa . This is known as ’employment incident to status’. Aliens on such work visas do not qualify for an EAD according to the US Citizenship and Immigration Service regulations (8 CFR Part 274a).[1]

Currently the EAD is issued in the form of a standard credit card-size plastic card enhanced with multiple security features. The EAD card contains some basic information about alien: name, birth date, sex, immigrant category, country of birth, photo, alien registration number (also called “A-number”), card number, restrictive terms and conditions, and dates of validity.

Restriction

The eligibility for employment authorizations are detailed in the Federal Regulations at 8 C.F.R. §274a.12.[2] Only aliens who fall under the enumerated categories are eligible for an employment authorization document.

There are more than 40 types of immigration status that make their holders eligible to apply for an EAD.[3] Some are nationality-based and apply to a very small number of people. Others are much broader, such as those covering the spouses of E-1, E-2, E-3 or L-1 visa holders.

USCIS issues EADs in the following categories:

  • Renewal EAD: Renewal cannot be filed more than 120 days before the current employment authorization expires.
  • Replacement EAD: Replaces a lost, stolen, or mutilated EAD. A replacement EAD also replaces an EAD that was issued with incorrect information, such as a misspelled name.

Obtaining an EAD

Applicants would file Form I-765 (application for employment authorization) by mail with the USCIS Regional Service Center that serves the area where they live. They may also be eligible to file Form I-765 electronically (see USCIS Electronic Filing). For employment based green card applicants, your priority date needs to be current to apply for Adjustment of Status (I485) at which time you can apply for EAD. Typically, it is recommended to apply for Advance Parole (AP) at the same time so that you do not have to get a visa stamping when re-entering US from a foreign country.

Interim EAD

An interim EAD is an EAD issued to an eligible applicant when USCIS has failed to adjudicate an application within 90 days of receipt of a properly filed EAD application or within 30 days of a properly filed initial EAD application based on an asylum application filed on or after January 4, 1995. The interim EAD will be granted for a period not to exceed 240 days and is subject to the conditions noted on the document.

An interim EAD is no longer issued by local service centers. One can however take an INFOPASS appointment and place a service request at local centers, explicitly asking for it if the application exceeds 90 days and 30 days for asylum applicants without an adjudication .

See also

References

  1. Jump up^ http://www.uscis.gov/portal/site/uscis/menuitem.f6da51a2342135be7e9d7a10e0dc91a0/?vgnextoid=fa7e539dc4bed010VgnVCM1000000ecd190aRCRD&vgnextchannel=fa7e539dc4bed010VgnVCM1000000ecd190aRCRD&CH=8cfr
  2. Jump up^ “Classes of aliens authorized to accept employment”. Government Printing Office. Retrieved 17 November 2011.
  3. Jump up^ ‘Work Permits: An Overview,’ http://www.usvisalawyers.co.uk/article18.htm

External links

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Employment_authorization_document

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The Pronk Pops Show 302, July 24, 2014, Story 1: D is for Deportation of All 30-50 Million Illegal Aliens — Political Elitist Establishment of Both Parties Want Open Borders Vs. American People Want Immigration Law Enforcement — Videos

Posted on July 24, 2014. Filed under: American History, Blogroll, Communications, Economics, Employment, European History, History, Illegal Immigration, Illegal Immigration, Immigration, Law, Legal Immigration, Media, Obama, Photos, Politics, Scandals, Terror, Terrorism, Unemployment, War, Wealth, Weapons | Tags: , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , |

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The Pronk Pops Show Podcasts

Pronk Pops Show 302: July 24, 2014

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Story 1: D is for Deportation of All 30-50 Million Illegal Aliens — Political Elitist Establishment of Both Parties Want Open Borders Vs. American People Want Immigration Law Enforcement — Videos

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removals

HOW THE OBAMA ADMINISTRATION INFLATES DEPORTATION STATISTICS

For the last few years, the Obama Administration has claimed that it’s deporting a record number of illegal aliens. But, the Administration is adding numbers to its overall deportation statistics that have not been historically included in the total number of annual deportations. Here’s a look at how the Obama Administration has artificially inflated the number of deportations.

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  • Removal numbers have traditionally consisted of legal immigrants who have committed crimes, those who overstay visas, or illegal aliens caught inside the country.
    • The immigration statistics yearbook states that removals are the compulsory and confirmed movement of an inadmissible or deportable alien out of the United States based on an order of removal.
    • An alien who is removed has administrative or criminal consequences placed on subsequent reentry owing to the fact of the removal.
  • In the past, removal numbers did not include “returns,” who are Mexican nationals caught illegally crossing the border by the Border Patrol and returned.
    • According to the yearbook, returns are the confirmed movement of an inadmissible or deportable alien out of the United States not based on an order of removal.
    • Most of the voluntary returns are of Mexican nationals who have been apprehended by the U.S. Border Patrol and are returned to Mexico.
  • The Obama administration has started counting certain “returns” as “removals” in order to artificially inflate the numbers and create a “record level” of deportations. Specifically, those caught by the Border Patrol who are shuttled to a different town along the border before they are returned are being dishonestly counted as deportations. This has falsely increased the number of total removals by more than 100,000 for the past two years.
  • In fact, if we count removals and returns together historically, then the Obama administration numbers are not close to “record-setting.” In the 1990s, the totals of returns and removals were well over one million. For example, according to the yearbook of immigration statistics, in 1996, removals and returns numbered more than 1.6 million, up from more than 1.3 million in 1995.
  • In an October 2011 roundtable with Hispanic reporters, President Obama himself said the deportation numbers were artificially high because they include those caught at the border:

“The statistics are actually a little deceptive because what we’ve been doing is, with the stronger border enforcement, we’ve been apprehending folks at the borders and sending them back. That is counted as a deportation, even though they may have only been held for a day or 48 hours, sent back – that’s counted as a deportation.”

  • On January 31, 2013, White House domestic policy chief Cecilia Muñoz – formerly the Senior Vice President for the Office of Research, Advocacy and Legislation at the National Council of La Raza – blamed Congress for the “record” number of deportations carried out by the Obama administration:

“The government’s job is to do what Congress tells it to do. Congress, under the immigration laws that we’ve got now, Congress requires us to remove people who are removable and gives DHS, frankly, a whole lot of resources to do that job. DHS’s job is to make sure they make the best possible decisions on how they use those resources.”

The Washington Post Reveals the Fraud

  • In December 2010, the Washington Post revealed that U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) had included more than 19,000 illegal immigrants who had exited the country in the previous fiscal year in its deportation statistics for the current (2010) fiscal year.
    • On February 22, 2010, ICE Detention and Removal Operations issued a memo stating that, despite record deportations of criminals, the overall number of removals was down.
    • According to the memo, while ICE was on pace to achieve “the Agency goal of 150,000 criminal alien removals” for the year ending September 30th, total deportations were set to barely top 310,000, “well under the Agency’s goal of 400,000” and nearly 20 percent below the 2009 total of 387,000.
    • The memo also explained how ICE would inflate the number: increasing detention space to hold more illegal immigrants while they await deportation proceedings; sweeping prisons and jails to find more candidates for deportation and offering early release for those willing to go quickly; and a surge in efforts to catch illegal immigrants who lied on immigration or visa applications or reentered the U.S. after being deported.
  • The memo also encouraged field directors to “maximize” participation in the Mexican Interior Repatriation Program (MIRP), a bilaterally voluntary program that attempts to quickly return Mexican nationals found unlawfully in the Sonora Arizona desert region of the U.S. to their places of origin in the Mexican interior. The program is run by ICE, the Mexican Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Mexican Ministry of the Interior.
    • Under this program, aliens caught by U.S. Border Patrol agents are turned over to ICE to carry out the returns.
    • Since MIRP’s inception in 2004, the program had never started earlier than July 7th each year.
    • In 2010, the first group returned to Mexico on June 1st. By starting in June, ICE tallied 6,527 returns that in the past would have been handled and counted by the U.S. Border Patrol.
    • In total, 23,384 Mexicans between June and September of that year accepted flights back to Mexico City and then a bus ticket to their home town at a cost of almost $15 million. An ICE spokesman claimed the agency started the program early because of available funds and a timely agreement between the U.S. and Mexico.
  • According to the Washington Post, internal emails showed that when ICE officials realized in the final weeks of the fiscal year, which ended September 30th, that ICE’s numbers would fall short of the previous year’s mark, they quietly directed immigration officers to bypass immigration courts whenever possible and encourage eligible foreign nationals to agree to voluntarily return to their countries without a negative mark on their immigration record.
    • This allowed hundreds of immigrants who typically would have gone before an immigration judge to contest deportation offenses such as drunk driving, domestic violence and misdemeanor assault to leave the country without a statutory civil or criminal bar for applying for legal residence or traveling to the U.S. in the future.
    • According to the emails, once ICE met its goals for 2010, it directed agents to stop offering voluntary returns and revert to business as usual.
  • According to an October 1, 2010 email obtained by the Washington Post, an acting ICE assistant director cheered field directors on to the finish line: “We are just 106 shy of 390,000. However, we still get to count closed cases through Monday, October 4th so… keep having your folks concentrate on closing those cases.”
    • Prior to the Obama administration, when an alien exited the country in a fiscal year, but their case remained open, that departure was counted in the year in which it took place, or not at all.
    • Starting in 2009, ICE stopped counting deportations for the fiscal year ending September 30th in the first few days of October. Any deportations that take place in one fiscal year but are confirmed after October 5th are added to the next fiscal year’s statistics.
    • Based on the new accounting approach, ICE was able to 19,422 removals from 2009 in the 2010 statistics. In 2010, 373,440 other people were deported.
    • If ICE had not included the 19,422 departures, removals would have fallen by almost 16,000 from the previous year and by about 20,000 in 2009.
  • At a news conference on October 6, 2010, ICE Director John Morton said that no unusual practices were used to break the previous year’s mark: “When the secretary tells you that the numbers are at an all-time high, that’s straight, on the merits, no cooking of the books. It’s what happened.” However, Chris Crane, President of the ICE Union, stated that offering voluntary return was not a common practice and that it was “breaking the rules to break the record.”
  • On October 5, 2011, Secretary Napolitano announced that a “record” 195,000 convicted criminals had been removed in 2010. However, DHS’s Office of Immigration Statistics (OIS) reported that only 168,532 convicted criminal aliens were removed in 2010. Napolitano also announced that there were 392,862 aliens removed from the country in 2010, while OIS reported 387,242 removals.
  • The primary reason for the difference is that Napolitano is using the numbers reported by ICE, which uses different methodology than the OIS whose numbers are arguably more accurate.
    • OIS has used a consistent methodology to calculate immigration statistics, while ICE has changed its methodology for the sole reason of meeting numerical outputs.
    •  The only possible reason to reject the OIS numbers is to give the appearance that DHS is deporting illegals in record numbers. Although OIS does not keep track of paroles and deferments, its numbers are a more accurate reflection of this administration’s failure to enforce immigration laws.
    • According to OIS statistics, the number of removals from 2009 has decreased by 7,923 and returns have decreased by 109,759. The number of arrests made by DHS has decreased 66% from about 1.8 million in 1999 to about 600,000 in 2010. While prosecutions increased slightly in the years prior to 2005, the general trend has been downward for at least ten years.

Padding the Numbers: The Alien Transfer Exit Program

  • Since 2011, the Obama administration has counted removals from the Alien Transfer Exit Program (ATEP) as ICE deportations, which artificially inflates ICE removal numbers. According to a source in a Border Patrol field office, “the only reason this group [in the ATEP] program is in detention at all is for the purpose of padding ICE’s year-end removal statistics.”
    • Created in 2008, ATEP is a program that moves Mexican nationals apprehended in one Border Patrol Sector to another Sector before removing them to Mexico. There are no penalties or bars attached when illegal immigrants are sent back via ATEP and they can simply attempt re-entry. As a result, illegal immigrants who are subject to ATEP can return to the U.S. numerous times only to be counted as removals each successive time they reenter illegally and are apprehended at the border.
    • From 2008 to 2011, apprehensions through ATEP were counted in the U.S. Border Patrol’s statistics, not ICE’s statistics. However, in 2011, the Obama administration started including ATEP apprehensions by CBP in ICE’s deportation statistics.
    • In the first seven months of 2012, ICE reported 221,656 arrests (ICE apprehensions in the interior of the country), yet reported 334,249 removals (deportations). The 112,000 additional removals were from the ATEP (72,030) and an unknown source (40,000). Thus, ICE removal statistics had over 112,000 deportations included that previously had never been counted in its deportation statistics. In 2008, official ICE removals totaled 369,221; in 2009, 389,834; in 2010, 392,862; in 2011, 396,906; and in 2012, 409,849.
    • However, when ATEP removals are subtracted from ICE’s removals total, the 2011 number drops from 396,906 to roughly 360,319, and the 2012 number drops from 409,849 to 324,299.
    • Therefore, if the ATEP removal numbers are subtracted from ICE’s 2011 removal numbers, total removals are 2.5% below 2008 levels, 7.5% below 2009 levels, and 8.3% below 2010 levels.
    • If the ATEP removal numbers are subtracted from ICE’s 2012 removal numbers, total removals are 12% below 2008 levels, 16.9% below 2009 levels, and 17.5% below 2010.
Year ICE Reported Total Actual Total (excluding ATEP Removals)
2008 369,221 n/a
2009 389,843 n/a
2010 392,862 n/a
2011 396,906 360,319
2012 409,849 324,299

Padding the Numbers: The Mexican Interior Repatriation Program

  • From 2009 through 2011, the Obama Administration resumed a voluntary humanitarian interior repatriation program called the Mexican Interior Repatriation Program (MIRP). First initiated in 2004, MIRP voluntarily returned Mexican nationals apprehended by the U.S. Border Patrol in the Yuma and Tucson sectors.
  • Since 2008,MIRP statistics have been included in ICE’s overall removal numbers. Without this program, the deportations statistics would be tallied by the U.S. Border Patrol instead of ICE.
    • Since 2004, more than 116,000 Mexican nationals have been returned under MIRP. In 2009, MIRP returned 10,560 illegal Mexican nationals. MIRP accounted for 2.7 percent of ICE removals (389,834).
    • In 2010, MIRP returned a record 23,384 illegal Mexican nationals. Over 6,500 of those illegal Mexican nationals were included by running the program five weeks longer than it had previously run. MIRP accounted for over 6 percent of ICE removals in 2010 (392,862).
    • In 2011, MIRP returned 8,893 illegal Mexican immigrants. MIRP accounted for just over 2 percent of ICE removals in 2011 (396,906).
  • When both ATEP and MIRP removals are subtracted from ICE’s published removal totals, the 2011 removal total drops from 396,906 to roughly 351,426 – 4.9% below 2008 levels, 10% below 2009 levels, and 11.5% below 2010 levels.
Year ICE Reported Total Actual Total (excluding ATEP and/or MIRP Removals)
2008 369,221 n/a
2009 389,843 379,274
2010 392,862 369,478
2011 396,906 351,426
2012 409,849 324,299

FY 2013 ICE Immigration Removals

Overview

In addition to its criminal investigative responsibilities, U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) shares responsibility for enforcing the nation’s civil immigration laws with U.S. Customs and Border Protection (CBP) and U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS). ICE’s role in the immigration enforcement system is focused on two primary missions: (1) the identification and apprehension of criminal aliens and other removable individuals located in the United States; and (2) the detention and removal of those individuals apprehended in the interior of the U.S., as well as those apprehended by CBP officers and agents patrolling our nation’s borders.

In executing these responsibilities, ICE has prioritized its limited resources on the identification and removal of criminal aliens and those apprehended at the border while attempting to unlawfully enter the United States. This report provides an overview of ICE Fiscal Year (FY) 2013 civil immigration enforcement and removal operations:

In FY 2013:

  • ICE conducted a total of 368,644 removals.
  • ICE conducted 133,551 removals of individuals apprehended in the interior of the U.S.
    • 82 percent of all interior removals had been previously convicted of a crime.
  • ICE conducted 235,093 removals of individuals apprehended along our borders while attempting to unlawfully enter the U.S. 1
  • 59 percent of all ICE removals, a total of 216,810, had been previously convicted of a crime.
    • ICE apprehended and removed 110,115 criminals removed from the interior of the U.S.
    • ICE removed 106,695 criminals apprehended at the border while attempting to unlawfully enter the U.S.
  • 98 percent of all ICE FY 2013 removals, a total of 360,313, met one or more of ICE’s stated civil immigration enforcement priorities. 2
  • Of the 151,834 removals of individuals without a criminal conviction, 84 percent, or 128,398, were apprehended at the border while attempting to unlawfully enter the U.S. and 95 percent fell within one of ICE’s stated immigration enforcement priorities. 3

The leading countries of origin for those removed were Mexico, Guatemala, Honduras, and El Salvador.

Definitions of Key Terms

Border Removal: An individual removed by ICE who is apprehended while attempting to illicitly enter the United States at or between the ports of entry by a CBP officer or agent. These individuals are also referred to as recent border crossers.

Criminal Offender: An individual convicted in the United States for one or more criminal offenses. This does not include civil traffic offenses.

Immigration Fugitives: An individual who has failed to leave the United States based upon a final order of removal, deportation or exclusion, or who has failed to report to ICE after receiving notice to do so.

Interior Removal: An individual removed by ICE who is identified or apprehended in the United States by an ICE officer or agent. This category excludes those apprehended at the immediate border while attempting to unlawfully enter the United States.

Other Removable Alien: An individual who is not confirmed to be a convicted criminal, recent border crosser or fall under another ICE civil enforcement priority category. This category may include individuals removed on national security grounds or for general immigration violations.

Previously Removed Alien: An individual previously removed or returned who has re-entered the country illegally again.

Reinstatement of Final Removal Order: The removal of an alien based on the reinstatement of a prior removal order, where the alien departed the United States under an order of removal and illegally reentered the United States [INA § 241(a)(5)]. The alien may be removed without a hearing before an immigration court.

Removal: The compulsory and confirmed movement of an inadmissible or deportable alien out of the United States based on an order of removal. An individual who is removed may have administrative or criminal consequences placed on subsequent reentry owing to the fact of the removal.

n FY 2013, ICE conducted 133,551 removals of individuals apprehended in the interior of the United States. ICE focused interior enforcement operations on convicted criminals with an emphasis on those convicted of the most serious crimes. 82 percent of all removals from the interior of the U.S. were previously convicted of a criminal offense. 72 percent of the convicted criminals removed from the interior were convicted of an ICE Level 1 or Level 2 offense. *

  • * Level 1 offenders are those aliens convicted of “aggravated felonies,” as defined in § 101(a)(43) of the Immigration and Nationality Act, or two (2) or more crimes each punishable by more than 1 year, commonly referred to as “felonies.” Level 2 offenders are aliens convicted of any other felony or three (3) or more crimes each punishable by less than 1 year, commonly referred to as “misdemeanors.” Level 3 offenders are aliens convicted of “misdemeanor” crime(s) punishable by less than 1 year.
INTERIOR CRIMINAL REMOVALS BY LEVEL
LEVEL NUMBER PERCENTAGE
Level 1 52,935 48%
Level 2 26,203 24%
Level 3 30,977 28%

Many of the criminal aliens removed from the interior of the U.S. also fell into other ICE priority categories. 60 percent of ICE’s interior criminal alien removals were previously removed from the U.S. or were immigration fugitives, and 63 percent of all interior Level 3 removals had been previously removed or had absconded from the immigration courts.

FY 2013 Level 3 Interior Removals

FY 2013 Level 3 Interior Removals

INTERIOR REMOVAL BREAKDOWN
Convicted Criminal Level 1 52,935
Level 2 26,203
Level 3 30,977
Immigration Fugitives 2,742
Repeat Immigration Violators 10,358
Other Removals 10,336

In FY 2013, Mexico continued to be the leading country of origin for those removed, followed by Guatemala, Honduras and El Salvador.

FY 2013 TOP 10 COUNTRIES OF REMOVAL BY CITIZENSHIP
CITIZENSHIP TOTAL
Mexico 241,493
Guatemala 47,769
Honduras 37,049
El Salvador 21,602
Dominican Republic 2,462
Ecuador 1,616
Brazil 1,500
Colombia 1,429
Nicaragua 1,383
Jamaica 1,119
Top 10 Total 357,422

https://www.ice.gov/removal-statistics/

U.S. Weighs Giving Refugee Status to Youths in Honduras

Hoping to stem the recent surge of migrants at the Southwest border, the Obama administration is considering whether to allow hundreds of minors and young adults from Honduras into the United States without making the dangerous trek through Mexico, according to a draft of the proposal.

If approved, the plan would direct the government to screen thousands of children and youths in Honduras to see if they can enter the United States as refugees or on emergency humanitarian grounds. It would be the first American refugee effort in a nation reachable by land to the United States, the White House said, putting the violence in Honduras on the level of humanitarian emergencies in Haiti and Vietnam, where such programs have been conducted in the past amid war and major crises.

Critics of the plan were quick to pounce, saying it appeared to redefine the legal definition of a refugee and would only increase the flow of migration to the United States.

By moving decisions on refugee claims to Honduras, the plan is aimed at slowing the rush of minors crossing into the United States illegally from El Salvador, Honduras and Guatemala, which has overwhelmed the Southwest border this year. More than 45,000 unaccompanied minors from those three nations have arrived since Oct. 1, straining federal resources to the point that some agencies will exhaust their budgets by next month, the secretary of Homeland Security has said.

Continue reading the main story

Graphic: Children at the Border

Many of the children, particularly in Honduras, are believed to be fleeing dangerous street gangs, which forcibly recruit members and extort home and business owners. The United Nations estimates that 70,000 gang members operate in the three nations.

Administration officials confirmed that they are considering the idea, although they stressed that no decision has been made to move forward. They said the idea is one of many being discussed by officials at the White House and the Departments of State, Homeland Security, Justice, and Health and Human Services.

Among the factors surrounding the decision are how many people in Honduras would be eligible to apply for the program, and how many would likely be approved.

The proposal, prepared by several federal agencies, says the pilot program under consideration would cost up to $47 million over two years, assuming 5,000 applied and about 1,750 people were accepted. If successful, it would be adopted in Guatemala and El Salvador as well.

It is unclear how the administration determined those estimates, given that since Oct. 1 more than 16,500 unaccompanied children traveled to the United States from Honduras alone.

Children would be interviewed by American immigration employees trained to deal with minors, and a resettlement center would be set up in the Honduran capital, Tegucigalpa, with assistance from international organizations like the International Organization for Migration.

The plan would be similar to a recent bill introduced by Senators John McCain and Jeff Flake of Arizona, who proposed increasing the number of refugee visas to the three Central American countries by 5,000 each.

According to the draft, the administration is considering opening the program to people under 21. It also suggested offering entry on emergency humanitarian grounds — know as humanitarian parole — to some of the applicants who did not qualify for refugee status.

That would likely cause an outcry among critics who believe that President Obama has been too soft on immigration. But officials called it “highly unlikely” for people who were denied refugee status to be considered for parole, which is generally offered in isolated instances for emergencies.

Mark Krikorian, the executive director of the Center for Immigration Studies, which supports tighter controls on immigration, argued that the proposal would increase, not stem, the flood of migrants from Central America trying to get into the United States.

“It’s clearly a bad idea,” Mr. Krikorian said. “Orders of magnitude more people will apply for refugee status if they can just do it from their home countries.”

He added that the proposal would allow people to claim to be refugees from their countries with “nothing more than a bus ride to the consulate. We’re talking about, down the road, an enormous additional flow of people from those countries.”

The preliminary plan could create a thorny challenge for the administration because the definition of a refugee is legally specific, and children fleeing street gangs could have a hard time qualifying.

Under American law, refugees are people fleeing their country of origin based on fears of persecution by reason of race, religion, nationality, political opinion or membership in a particular social group.

The draft of the plan noted that 64.7 percent of the unaccompanied minors who applied for asylum this year got it, which suggests that immigration officials have found their claims of imminent danger credible.

With that in mind, the draft proposal suggested that 35 to 50 percent of the applicants in Honduras could be considered for relief, a figure the White House said was inflated. The early draft, the White House said, was the most generous and least likely of the options the administration is considering. How many people are accepted is critical, because refugees qualify for public assistance upon arrival in the United States.

Under Senator McCain’s proposal, refugee applicants would be processed at home, and child migrants arriving in the United States illegally could be deported quickly.

Kevin Appleby, director of Migration and Refugee Services at the United States Conference of Catholic Bishops, said the plan would be welcome, as long as it does not substitute for protections Central American children currently receive under American law.

“This program would certainly be a formal acknowledgment by the administration that these children are refugees,” Mr. Appleby said. “That’s huge, because they have yet to utter that word.”

When a similar plan was adopted in Haiti, as a way to keep people from taking to the high seas, he said, it was ultimately criticized because Haitians already in the United States did not receive help.

“It ended up being counterproductive to the goal,” Mr. Appleby said.

 

Stacie Blake, the director of government relations for the U.S. Committee for Refugees and Immigrants, an advocacy group, said the processing of potential refugees in Central America could be handled by the United States government or by the United Nations, which makes refugee determinations in many other countries. She said some of the people designated as refugees in Honduras could end up in countries other than the United States.

“It’s a way to help folks avoid life-threatening escapes and journeys,” Ms. Blake said. “It’s a good idea. It’s a tested idea.”

On Friday, Mr. Obama is scheduled to meet with the presidents of Honduras, Guatemala and El Salvador at the White House in an effort to urge the Central American leaders to do more to help stem the flow of children fleeing their countries for the United States.

http://www.nytimes.com/2014/07/25/world/americas/administration-weighs-plan-to-move-processing-of-youths-seeking-entry-to-honduras-.html?_r=0

Locked in Immigration Limbo

By Mark Krikorian

Fred Bauer’s thoughtful piece today on the home page is worth reading. He describes the dangers of today’s condition of “bad-faith open borders,” where “illegal immigrants are de jure rejected but de facto accepted.”

One issue he didn’t address was why we’re in that situation. The reason for it is the same reason we have so much trouble achieving “sustainable harmony” on immigration: Each side sees the current stalemate as preferable to letting the other side prevail.

The core issue is whether there should be any limit placed on immigration. Supporters of immigration limits (high or low is not the issue here) obviously want the de jure prohibition against illegal immigration to be a de factoone too, with the laws consistently enforced. The other side is objectively (if not rhetorically) opposed to any meaningful limits on immigration, and so would prefer the de facto situation to become the de jure one.

This situation persists because the pro-limits side knows the de jure limits do at least exercise some control over the number of people moving here from abroad, even if they’re not well enforced. The anti-limits side has as its goal the admission of as many people from abroad as possible, so a limbo status for them is fine so long as they’re able to physically remain in the country. As Lincoln might have put it, both parties deprecate bad-faith open borders, but one of them would promote it rather than accept limits, and the other would accept it rather than let the borders be opened altogether.

Until there is consensus in the political class that capping immigration is morally acceptable (I would say mandatory, but I’ll settle for acceptable), passing further legislation on the other questions — how many, what qualifications — is almost irrelevant.

http://www.nationalreview.com/corner/383097/locked-immigration-limbo-mark-krikorian 

Jeb Bush Just Disqualified Himself For The Republican Nomination For President

Jeb Bush and Clint Bolick, Vice President for Litigation at the Goldwater Institute in Phoenix, Arizona, yesterday published an op-ed in The Wall Street Journal that should, once and for all, disqualify Bush for the Republican nomination for President.

Titled “The Solution to Border Disorder,” Bush and Bolick claim that “the best antidote to illegal immigration is a functioning system of legal immigration” and they repeat the falsehood that Central American children entering the US illegally “are trying to escape horrific gang violence and dire conditions in their native countries,” before making the US Chamber of Commerce case for revising America’s immigration system to be “economically driven.” (link to the Bush-Bolick piece at the end of this article)

Current law already allows 1 million legal immigrants and 700,000 guest workers to enter the country each year.  With over a million legal immigrants slated to enter this country at a time when American workforce participation is at its lowest level in decades we are trying to figure out exactly what could be the economic rationale for allowing even the present level of legal immigration into this country.

If there’s a tech labor shortage in America, that requires bringing in more foreign labor, why is it that Microsoft has just announced the largest layoff in the company’s history?

On July 17, Microsoft announced that it will eliminate up to 18,000 jobs over the next year; about 12,500 professional and factory jobs will be cut. Microsoft did not detail exactly where the remaining jobs would be cut, but according to the UK’s Daily Mail, the company said the first wave of layoffs would affect 1,351 jobs in the Seattle area.

Alabama’s principled conservative Senator Jeff Sessions got it right when he wrote, “prominent amnesty advocates, including Mark Zuckerberg and top Obama administration officials, have argued that amnesty is a civil right. Mr. Zuckerberg’s motivation is not elusive. He heads a lobbying group representing many of his industry’s wealthiest CEOs, and their companies wish to extract generous guest-worker programs from Congress. Similar efforts are underway from other CEOs seeking new workers for everything from manufacturing to construction to restaurant jobs. Presumably, Mr. Zuckerberg believes it is more advantageous to frame the group’s lobbying as a civil-rights crusade than as a corporate crusade for lower-cost foreign labor.”

The drive for an amnesty bill is being supported by numerous billionaires, and Big Business CEOs, including New York Mayor Mike Bloomberg, Fox News’ Rupert Murdoch and Facebook’s Mark Zuckerberg.

And as The Daily Caller’s White House correspondent Neil Munro documented, “Since 2007, progressive and business groups have spent more than $1.5 billion on advocacy and lobbying to pass an immigration bill, despite massive unemployment, stalled salaries and negative polls.”

The goal of all this Big business spending and influence peddling is quite simple: Hold American wages down to increase shareholder value.

As Munro noted, the Senate’s Gang of Eight comprehensive immigration bill (which Bush and Bolick supported in a previous Wall Street Journal op-ed) would expand legal immigration and open America’s borders to some 30 million additional legal immigrants, plus millions of temporary guest workers, over the next decade.
 
“That influx would import roughly one immigrant or guest-worker for every American aged 11 to 21, or one immigrant for every American teenager in 2012,” says Munro.

CHQ Chairman Richard A. Viguerie said it best in his new book TAKEOVER: “No matter who else gets in the Republican presidential primaries, Jeb Bush will remain the ‘great white hope’ of the Republican establishment.”

In addition to supporting all of the major policy goals of Big Business from Common Core to amnesty for illegal aliens, a Bush candidacy also holds out the hope of millions of dollars in consulting business and lucrative lobbying contracts for a small but powerful coterie of Bush family supporters and acolytes. No one else in America, save Hillary Clinton, starts the 2016 political season with a larger Rolodex of Washington insider supporters than does Jeb Bush. A Jeb Bush election as President would ensure that the Republican establishment stays in power for at least another decade, and it would also ensure that, no matter if Jeb or the Democrat wins, the Bigs – Big Business and Big Government – will prevail.

If you are the parent or grandparent of a child who will be entering the workforce in the next decade you owe it to your children and grandchildren to oppose Jeb Bush if he runs for President

http://www.conservativehq.com/article/17822-jeb-bush-just-disqualified-himself-republican-nomination-president

 

House group wants faster deportations, Guard on border

Boehner’s working group on the border crisis has unveiled a $1.5 billion set of recommendations, which include changing a 2008 law to make it easier to deport Central American kids.

 

A set of border-security recommendations from a Republican working group appointed by House Speaker John Boehner would cut the cost of addressing the humanitarian crisis involving immigrant children from the $3.7 billion requested by President Barack Obama to $1.5 billion.

The House GOP proposal calls for, among other ideas, revising a 2008 anti-trafficking law to make it easier to deport unaccompanied immigrant children from Central America; deploying the National Guard to the U.S.-Mexico border to help take care of the children in order to allow Border Patrol agents to focus on their other responsibilities; and allowing the Border Patrol unfettered access to all federal lands. The unaccompanied children would remain in federal custody until they could get expedited immigration hearings.

RELATED: Far fewer migrant kids being caught at border

RELATED: Feds targeting smuggling rings to combat border crisis

SPECIAL REPORT: Border crisis: Immigrant children

“It’s not ‘Obama light’ because the priorities are completely different than what the president has laid out,” said Rep. Matt Salmon, R-Ariz., a member of Boehner’s ad hoc group on the border crisis. “It’s dealing with our priorities of securing the border.”

However, the House GOP’s insistence on changing the Trafficking Victims Protection and Reauthorization Act of 2008 is expected to face fierce opposition from House and Senate Democrats, who mostly have been mobilizing against the idea.

The disagreement makes it unlikely that the GOP-led House and the Democrat-led Senate will come to terms on the president’s request for emergency spending before Congress leaves July 31 for a five-week break from Capitol Hill.

On Wednesday, Boehner, R-Ohio, wrote a letter to Obama asking the president to publicly clarify his position on amending the 2008 law. Obama has said his administration needs more flexibility in dealing with the tens of thousands of unaccompanied children from El Salvador, Guatemala and Honduras.

Salmon said the group’s ideas were generally well-received Wednesday by the House GOP conference and that the Republican Study Committee, which is the House’s conservative caucus. But he said he did hear concerns that the Senate might try to couple a House bill with comprehensive immigration reform legislation or that Obama might just pick and choose which parts of the law to enforce.

“We still have a responsibility to do our job, and we have an opportunity to end the catch-and-release policies of this administration and keep people detained until they are adjudicated and heading home,” Salmon said. “And that will do immense wonders for conquering the problem.”

Immigration-reform advocates panned the House working group’s security-centric recommendations.

“It’s not surprising, and it’s going nowhere,” said Frank Sharry, executive director of America’s Voice, a national group that champions comprehensive immigration reform. “The likelihood is that Congress is going to leave on the summer vacation doing absolutely nothing to fix this emergency.”

However, Salmon said his understanding was that the plan is for the House to act this month.

http://www.azcentral.com/story/news/politics/immigration/2014/07/23/us-border-house-group-wants-faster-deportations-guard/13076955/

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The Pronk Pops Show 285, June 25, 2014, Story 1: Tea Party Candidates Get Knocked Downed But Not Out — it is not who wins or loses but how you play the game — Lost But Won — Make The Rest Of Your Life, The Best of Your Life — Live Your Dreams — Videos

Posted on June 25, 2014. Filed under: Baseball, Basketball, Blogroll, Business, Communications, Economics, Football, Golf, Law, Philosophy, Photos, Politics, Polls, Pro Life, Radio, Regulation, Resources, Running, Scandals, Sports, Success, Terror, Videos, Wealth, Wisdom | Tags: , , , , , , |

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Story 1: Tea Party Candidates Get Knocked Downed But Not Out — it is not who wins or loses but how you play the game — Lost But Won — Make The Rest Of Your Life, The Best of Your Life — Live Your Dreams — Videos

Lost But Won ► Motivational Video

Dream – Motivational Video

Best of the Best of Motivational Speeches

Cochran Campaign Illegally Robocalls Black Democrats Against “Racist” Tea Party

Stop the Tea Party RoboCall

 

Mississippi primary: Thad Cochran celebrates victory against Tea Party rival – video

How Another Tea Party Candidate Lost — Thad Cochran’s Win

Cochran Wins Mississippi Senate Race

Cochran vs. McDaniel: Racist Tactic Emerges in Mississippi GOP Primary Fight

 Robocall Recruiting Dem Votes For GOP Sen. Cochran Bashes Tea Party, Claims Racism

The GOP Senate primary in Mississippi continues to intensify with the surfacing of a robocall aimed at potential voters that strongly criticizes the tea party and urges the listeners to vote against state Sen. Chris McDaniel in Tuesday’s runoff vote.

In the automated message appearing to target black Democrat voters in Mississippi, the female voice on the line claims that tea party challenger Chris McDaniel would lead to more obstruction in Washington and create more “disrespectful treatment” to the nation’s first African-American president.

“The time has come to take a stand and say NO to the tea party,” the message says. “NO to their obstruction. NO to their disrespectful treatment of the first African-American president.”

The robocall, which was first obtained by freelance journalist Charles C. Johnson from a local resident, goes on to urge listeners to go to the next polls Tuesday and vote against McDaniel. The only option in voting against McDaniel is to vote for incumbent Sen. Thad Cochran as they will be the only two names on the ballot.

“If we do nothing, tea party candidate Chris McDaniel wins and causes even more problems for President Obama,” the message continues. “With your help we can stop this. Please commit to voting against tea party candidate Chris McDaniel next Tuesday and say NO to the tea party!”

Some experts have argued that it is technically illegal for voters affiliated with an opposing party to vote in another party’s primary in Mississippi.

The Cochran campaign is denying that they have any connection with the robocall and declared it to be a “stunt” coming from allies of McDaniel.

“It’s an obvious, transparent stunt by McDaniel and his allies,” Jordan Russell, a spokesman for Cochran, told The Daily Caller Sunday.

The McDaniel campaign is claiming otherwise.

“It is clear that Mississippi Republicans have rejected Thad Cochran’s liberal voting record and it’s sad to see Thad Cochran resort to courting Democrats simply to hold onto power,” McDaniel spokesman Noel Fritsch told TheDC.

This isn’t the first allegation that there are efforts to get out Democratic votes for Cochran in Tuesday’s vote.

This is only the latest incident in controversy surrounding efforts to get out Democratic votes for Cochran in the runoff that includes a black preacher — who is a strong supporter of the Democratic nominee for the Senate seat — actively trying to get members of his community to vote for the sitting senator.
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=DUx7YVPKbBY

Cochran Holds Off Tea Party Challenger in Mississippi

Thad Cochran celebrated his victory with supporters after the primary.CreditEdmund D. Fountain for The New York Times

A surge of voters showed up on Tuesday in African-American precincts and in Mr. Cochran’s other strongholds to surprise Mr. McDaniel, 41, who just Monday night declared his campaign had gone from impossible to improbable to unstoppable. Early Wednesday, with all but one precinct reporting, Mr. Cochran’s lead over Mr. McDaniel was a little more than 6,000 votes. Recounts are not required under Mississippi law, although Mr. McDaniel could seek to challenge the results through the courts.

Mr. Cochran’s victory was powered in part by African-Americans in areas of north Jackson whose turnout shattered that seen in those precincts in the primary. Turnout jumped fivefold at New Hope Baptist Church, and sevenfold at Green Elementary School, where only 14 voters came out on June 3 but about 100 showed up on Tuesday.

Their high numbers came despite pledges by conservative political action committees to monitor turnout in Democratic areas targeted by Mr. Cochran’s campaign. Both the N.A.A.C.P. — which sent its own poll watchers — and the United States Justice Department expressed concerns about the possible intimidation of black Democrats, but no irregularities were reported to Mississippi election officials. The state has no party registration, and anyone could vote in the Republican runoff who had not voted in the Democratic primary, which was won by former Representative Travis Childers, 56.

It was an extraordinary end to a wild campaign, with a Republican standing up for the rights of black Democrats, and with Tea Party groups from the North, especially the Senate Conservatives Fund, crying foul.

Also sure to inflame the right: a center-right super PAC, Defending Main Street, which contributed over $150,000 to Mr. Cochran during the runoff, received $250,000 from Michael Bloomberg in the same period, according to a source close to the former New York City mayor.

Continue reading the main story
REPUBLICAN PRIMARY

Mississippi – U.S. Senate

 

CANDIDATE VOTES PCT.
Thad CochranIncumbent 191,508 50.9%
Chris McDaniel 184,815 49.1
100% reporting

Mr. Bloomberg also contributed $250,000 to Mr Cochran’s super PAC, Mississippi Conservatives, before the primary.

For months, the contest between Mr. Cochran and Mr. McDaniel was viewed as this year’smain event in the six-year clash between conservative activists and Republican incumbents. Money and celebrities poured into Mississippi from all over the country, with the establishment determined to make the state a Tea Party Waterloo. For their part, conservative groups were hoping for one major victory for the season.

But after the surprise primary defeat this month of Representative Eric Cantor of Virginia, the House majority leader, the Mississippi contest took on greater significance. Outside conservative groups hoped to emerge with a second victory that would propel challenges in Tennessee, where Senator Lamar Alexander was widely expected to win, and perhaps in Kansas, where Senator Pat Roberts appeared to have recovered from an early stumble overwhether he lived in Kansas or the Washington area.

Instead, establishment Republicans and a surprisingly high number of Democrats helped deliver a come-from-behind victory for a senator known for his soft-spoken patrician air and his ability to bring home millions in dollars of federal spending.

Mr. Cochran shifted his campaign message from polishing his conservative credentials to extolling his record of keeping Mississippi flush with federal cash. He also attacked Mr. McDaniel for his vows of austerity, especially in education.

Photo

Senator Thad Cochran addressed supporters after winning Tuesday’s primary election.CreditEdmund D. Fountain for The New York Times

Those attacks seemed to work with voters — at least enough to spook Democrats, and even some Republicans, who are accustomed to the protection and seniority of a long line of Congress members going back almost 100 years, including Senators John C. Stennis, James Eastland and Trent Lott and Representatives Sonny Montgomery and Jamie L. Whitten.

Jeanie Munn, who lives in Hattiesburg, said Mr. McDaniel “represents a threat to the state.” She cited a vote he cast in the State Senate against a new nursing school building at the University of Southern Mississippi.

Roger Smith, a black Democrat who said he was being paid to organize for Mr. Cochran, said, “I don’t know too much about McDaniel other than what McDaniel’s saying: that he’s Tea Party, he’s against Obama, he don’t like black people.”

“You’re going to get one of the white guys in there,” he said. “You got to make a choice.”

In downtown Hattiesburg, Democratic voters trickled out of the Court Street United Methodist Church, saying they had voted for a Republican for the first time in their lives — Mr. Cochran. Heath Kleinke, 38, held his 4-month-old baby and said he wanted her to get a good education in Mississippi, something he believed would be made more difficult if Mr. McDaniel were to make good on his proposal to cut federal funding.

Continue reading the main storySlide Show

A Senator Turns Back a Challenge in Mississippi

Senator Thad Cochran of Mississippi celebrated his victory over a Tea Party-backed challenger, Chris McDaniel, at a party in Jackson on Tuesday.

 Edmund D. Fountain for The New York Times

“The fact that he openly criticizes Thad Cochran for talking to Democrats riled me up from the beginning,” added Mr. Kleinke, a graphic designer.

White Democrats also turned out for the senator. Dorothy McGehee, 88, a lifelong Democrat who registered blacks to vote in the civil rights era, found herself putting out Cochran yard signs in Meadville, Miss., and begging her friends to vote.

Kino Sintee, 17, and three black friends waved “Thad” signs on a street corner in a black Hattiesburg neighborhood. They said the preacher from Mount Olive Baptist Church asked them to help out.

“They’re talking about taking everything away from us,” he said. “People still need stuff.”

Photo

For months, the contest between Mr. Cochran and Mr. McDaniel was viewed as this year’s main event in the six-year clash between conservative activists and Republican incumbents.CreditWilliam Widmer for The New York Times

Michael Davis, 44, said it was his “duty” to stop Mr. McDaniel. “If anyone wants to tell me I’m stealing the election or something ludicrous like that, it doesn’t work that way,” he said.

In Tupelo, Miss., John Armistead, 73, a die-hard Democrat, and his wife, Sandra, 69, a Republican, put aside their differences on Tuesday, and both voted for Mr. Cochran.

“Even though he votes with the Republicans on virtually everything, I’ve never seen Cochran as being so partisan,” Mr. Armistead said. “As a Democrat, that’s important to me. McDaniel is very partisan and will align himself with the right-wing, partisan-type people.”

Those crossover votes from Democrats left many of Mr. McDaniel’s supporters seething.

“Our whole system is corrupt,” said a glum Alicia Holloman of George County as the last results trickled into the McDaniel party at the Hattiesburg Convention Center. “We deserve to be called the most corrupt state in the nation.”

Her husband, Michael, was more circumspect.

“You should be able to vote the way you want to vote. It’s fair,” he said. “But when you’re on the losing side, it stinks.”

http://www.nytimes.com/2014/06/25/us/politics/thad-cochran-chris-mcdaniel-mississippi-senate-primary.html?_r=0

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The Pronk Pops Show 282, June 19, 2014, Story 1: Bully Barack — Pits African Americans Against Native Americans — Blacks vs. Redskins — Divide and Conquer Strategy — The Arrogance of Incompetence — None of Obama’s Business — Videos

Posted on June 18, 2014. Filed under: Blogroll, Business, Communications, Constitutional Law, Economics, Employment, Federal Government, Football, Government, Government Spending, Law, Media, Philosophy, Photos, Politics, Radio, Regulation, Scandals, Security, Sports, Success, Taxes, Technology, Videos, Wealth, Wisdom | Tags: , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , |

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Federal agency cancels Redskins trademark registration, says name is disparaging

The 99-page decision by the Trademark Trial and Appeal Board said the team’s name and logo are disparaging. It dilutes the Redskins’ legal protection against infringement and hinders the team’s ability to block counterfeit merchandise from entering the country.

But its effect is largely symbolic. The ruling cannot stop the team from selling T-shirts, beer glasses and license-plate holders with the moniker or keep the team from trying to defend itself against others who try to profit from the logo. And the trademark registrations will remain effective during any appeal process.

The ruling’s main impact is as a cudgel by an increasingly vocal group of Native Americans, lawmakers, former players and others who are trying to persuade team officials to change the name. The backlash against the name has never been more intense.

And opponents immediately seized upon the decision to increase pressure on the team.

Sen. Maria Cantwell (D-Wash.), who persuaded 49 other members of Congress to send a letter last month to the National Football League on the issue, interrupted a debate on the Senate floor to herald the decision.

“So many people have helped in this effort, and I want to applaud them,” Cantwell said. She later said she believes the decision will ultimately force the hands of team owner Daniel Snyder and NFL Commissioner Roger Goodell in ways other efforts have not. “You want to ignore millions of Native Americans?” she said. “Well, it’s pretty hard to say the federal government doesn’t know what they’re talking about when they say it’s disparaging.”

Snyder has steadfastly refused to consider a name change, saying the name and logo honor Native Americans.

Jesse Witten, an attorney for the Native Americans who filed the case, called the victory “a long time coming.” The board had previously ruled in favor of a different group of Native Americans, led by Suzan Harjo, that filed a similar case in 1992. But that case was later dismissed in the federal courts. The court did not rule on the merits of the case but ultimately said the plaintiffs did not have standing to file it.

Federal trademark law does not permit registration of trademarks that “may disparage” individuals or groups or “bring them into contempt or disrepute.” The ruling pertains to six trademarks associated with the team, each containing the word “Redskin.”

Robert Raskopf, a lawyer who has been representing the team since the 1992 case was filed, said he was “disheartened” and “surprised” by the ruling. He noted that Wednesday’s decision came from a divided panel of judges, with one of the three dissenting, and that the earlier case was won on appeal. “We’ve been down this road already,” he said. “We have the same evidence here that we had last time, the same arguments, the same exact case.”

He said that the team plans to appeal the decision. “We are certainly confident that moving forward we are going to prevail yet again,” he said.

http://www.washingtonpost.com/local/us-patent-office-cancels-redskins-trademark-registration-says-name-is-disparaging/2014/06/18/e7737bb8-f6ee-11e3-8aa9-dad2ec039789_story.html

 

United States Patent and Trademark Office (PTO or USPTO)

The United States Patent and Trademark Office (PTO or USPTO) is an agency in the U.S. Department of Commerce that issues patents to inventors and businesses for their inventions, and trademark registration for product and intellectual property identification. The USPTO is “unique among federal agencies because it operates solely on fees collected by its users, and not on taxpayer dollars”.[1] Its “operating structure is like a business in that it receives requests for services—applications for patents and trademark registrations—and charges fees projected to cover the cost of performing the services [it] provide[s]”.[2][3]

The USPTO is based in Alexandria, Virginia, after a 2006 move from the Crystal City area of neighboring Arlington,Virginia. The offices under Patents and the Chief Information Officer that remained just outside the southern end of Crystal City completed moving to Randolph Square, a brand-new building in Shirlington Village, on April 27, 2009.

The head of the USPTO is Michelle Lee. She took up her new role on January 13, 2014, and formerly served as the Director of the USPTO’s Silicon Valley satellite office.[4]

The USPTO cooperates with the European Patent Office (EPO) and the Japan Patent Office (JPO) as one of theTrilateral Patent Offices. The USPTO is also a Receiving Office, an International Searching Authority and an International Preliminary Examination Authority for international patent applications filed in accordance with the Patent Cooperation Treaty.

Mission

The USPTO mission is to “maintain[] a permanent, interdisciplinary historical record of all U.S. patent applications in order to fulfill objectives outlined in the United States constitution“.[5] The legal basis for the United States patent system is Article 1, Section 8, wherein the powers of Congress are defined.[6]

It states, in part:

“The Congress shall have Power…To promote the Progress of Science and useful Arts, by securing for limited Times to Authors and Inventors the exclusive Right to their respective Writings and Discoveries”.

The PTO’s mission is to promote “industrial and technological progress in the United States and strengthen the national economy” by:

  • Administering the laws relating to patents and trademarks;
  • Advising the Secretary of Commerce, the President of the United States, and the administration on patent, trademark, and copyright protection; and
  • Providing advice on the trade-related aspects of intellectual property.

Structure

PTO headquarters in Alexandria, Virginia

The USPTO is headquartered at the Alexandria Campus, consisting of 11 buildings in a city-like development surrounded by ground floor retail and high rise residential buildings between the METRO stations of King Street station and Eisenhower Avenue station where the actual Alexandria Campus is located between Duke Street (on the North) to Eisenhower Avenue (on the South), and between John Carlyle Street (on the East) to Elizabeth Lane (on the West) in Alexandria, Virginia.[7][8][9] An additional building in Arlington, Virginia, was opened in 2009.

The USPTO was expected by 2014 to open its first ever satellite offices in DetroitDallasDenver, and Silicon Valleyto reduce backlog and reflect regional industrial strengths.[10] The first satellite office opened in Detroit on July 13, 2012.[11][12][13][14][15] The 2013 sequestration has put the satellite office for Silicon Valley, which is home to the nation’s top patent-producing cities, on hold indefinitely.[16]

As of September 30, 2009, the end of the U.S. government’s fiscal year, the PTO had 9,716 employees, nearly all of whom are based at its five-building headquarters complex in Alexandria. Of those, 6,242 were patent examiners(almost all of whom were assigned to examine utility patents; only 99 were assigned to examine design patents) and 388 were trademark examining attorneys; the rest are support staff.[17] While the agency has noticeably grown in recent years, the rate of growth was far slower in fiscal 2009 than in the recent past; this is borne out by data from fiscal 2005 to the present:[17]

At end of FY Employees Patent examiners Trademark examining attorneys
2009 9,716 6,242 388
2008 9,518 6,055 398
2007 8,913 5,477 404
2006 8,189 4,883 413
2005 7,363 4,258 357

Patent examiners make up the bulk of the employees at USPTO. They are generally newly graduated scientists and engineers, recruited from various universities around the nation.[citation needed] They hold degrees in various scientific disciplines, but who do not necessarily hold law degrees. Unlike patent examiners, trademark examiners must be licensed attorneys.[citation needed] All examiners work under a strict, “count”-based production system.[18] For every application, “counts” are earned by composing, filing, and mailing a first office action on the merits, and upon disposal of an application.

The Commissioner for Patents oversees three main bodies, headed by former Deputy Commissioner for Patent Operations, currently[19] Peggy Focarino, the Deputy Commissioner for Patent Examination Policy, currently[when?] Andrew Hirshfeld as Acting Deputy, and finally the Commissioner for Patent Resources and Planning, which is currently[when?] vacant.[20] The Patent Operations of the office is divided into nine different technology centers that deal with various arts.[21]

Prior to 2012, decisions of patent examiners may be appealed to the Board of Patent Appeals and Interferences, an administrative law body of the USPTO. Decisions of the BPAI could further be appealed to the United States Court of Appeals for the Federal Circuit, or a civil suit may be brought against the Commissioner of Patents in the United States District Court for the Eastern District of Virginia.[22] The United States Supreme Court may ultimately decide on a patent case. Similarly, decisions of trademark examiners may be appealed to the Trademark Trial and Appeal Board, with subsequent appeals directed to the Federal Circuit, or a civil action may also be brought.

Under the America Invents Act, the BPAI was converted to the Patent Trial and Appeal Board or “PTAB”.[23]

In recent years, the USPTO has seen increasing delays between when a patent application is filed and when it issues. To address its workload challenges, the USPTO has undertaken an aggressive program of hiring and recruitment. The USPTO hired 1,193 new patent examiners in Fiscal Year 2006 (year ending September 30, 2006),[24] 1,215 new examiners in fiscal 2007,[25] and 1,211 in fiscal year 2008.[26] The USPTO expected to continue hiring patent examiners at a rate of approximately 1,200 per year through 2012; however, due to a slowdown in new application filings since the onset of the late-2000s economic crisis,[27] and projections of substantial declines in maintenance fees in coming years,[28] the agency imposed a hiring freeze in early March 2009.[29]

In 2006, USPTO instituted a new training program for patent examiners called the “Patent Training Academy”. It is an eight-month program designed to teach new patent examiners the fundamentals of patent law, practice and examination procedure in a college-style environment.[30] Because of the impending USPTO budget crisis previously alluded to, it had been rumored that the Academy would be closed by the end of 2009.[28] Focarino, then Acting Commissioner for Patents, denied in a May 2009 interview that the Academy was being shut down, but stated that it would be cut back because the hiring goal for new examiners in fiscal 2009 was reduced to 600.[31] Ultimately, 588 new patent examiners were hired in fiscal year 2009.[32]

Fee diversion

For many years, Congress has “diverted” about 10% of the fees that the USPTO collected into the general treasury of the United States. In effect, this took money collected from the patent system to use for the general budget. This fee diversion has been generally opposed by patent practitioners (e.g., patent attorneys andpatent agents), inventors, the USPTO,[33] as well as former federal judge Paul R. Michel.[34] These stakeholders would rather use the funds to improve the patent office and patent system, such as by implementing the USPTO’s 21st Century Strategic Plan.[35] The last six annual budgets of the George W. Bush administration did not propose to divert any USPTO fees, and the first budget of the Barack Obama administration continues this practice; however, stakeholders continue to press for a permanent end to fee diversion.[36]

Patents[edit]

First United States patent

  • On July 31, 1790, the first U.S. patent was issued to Samuel Hopkins for an improvement “in the making of Pot ash andPearl ash by a new Apparatus and Process”. This patent was signed by then President George Washington.
  • The X-Patents (the first 10,280 issued between 1790 and 1836) were destroyed by a fire; fewer than 3,000 of those have been recovered and re-issued with numbers that include an “X”. The X generally appears at the end of the numbers hand-written on full-page patent images; however, in patent collections and for search purposes, the X is considered to be the patent type – analogous to the “D” of design patents – and appears at the beginning of the number. The X distinguishes the patents from those issued after the fire, which began again with patent number 1.
  • Each year, the PTO issues over 150,000 patents to companies and individuals worldwide. As of December 2011, the PTO has granted 8,743,423 patents and has received 16,020,302 applications.[37]

Trademarks

The USPTO examines applications for trademark registration. If approved, the trademarks are registered on either the Principal Register or the Supplemental Register, depending upon whether the mark meets the appropriate distinctiveness criteria. However, this function is declining in popularity as trademark applicants move to cheaper, more straightforward state-by-state registrations.[citation needed][38][39]

Representation

The PTO only allows certain qualified persons to practice before the PTO. Practice includes filing of patent applications on behalf of inventors, prosecuting patent applications on behalf of inventors, and participating in administrative appeals and other proceedings before the PTO examiners and boards. The PTO sets its own standards for who may practice and requires that any person who practices become registered. A patent agent is a person who has passed the USPTO registration examination (the “patent bar”) but has not passed any state bar exam to become a licensed attorney; a patent attorney is a person who has passed both a state bar and the patent bar and is in good standing as an attorney.[40] A patent agent can only act in a representative capacity in patent matters presented to the USPTO, and may not represent a patent holder or applicant in a court of law. To be eligible for taking the patent bar exam, a candidate must possess a degree in “engineering or physical science or the equivalent of such a degree”.[40]

The United States allows any citizen from any country to sit for the patent bar (if he/she has the requisite technical background).[41] Only Canada has a reciprocity agreement with the United States that confers upon a patent agent similar rights.[42]

An unrepresented inventor may file a patent application and prosecute it on his or her own behalf (pro se). If it appears to a patent examiner that an inventor filing apro se application is not familiar with the proper procedures of the Patent Office, the examiner may suggest that the filing party obtain representation by a registered patent attorney or patent agent.[43] The patent examiner cannot recommend a specific attorney or agent, but the Patent Office does post a list of those who are registered.[44]

While the inventor of a relatively simple-to-describe invention may well be able to produce an adequate specification and detailed drawings, there remains language complexity in what is claimed, either in the particular claim language of a utility application, or in the manner in which drawings are presented in a design application. There is also skill required when searching for prior art that is used to support the application and to prevent applying for a patent for something that may be unpatentable. A patent examiner will make special efforts to help pro se inventors understand the process but the failure to adequately understand or respond to an Office action from the USPTO can endanger the inventor’s rights, and may lead to abandonment of the application.

Electronic filing system

The USPTO accepts patent applications filed in electronic form. Inventors or their patent agents/attorneys can file applications as Adobe PDF documents. Filing fees can be paid by credit card or by a USPTO “deposit account”.

Patent search tools

The USPTO web site provides free electronic copies of issued patents and patent applications as multiple-page TIFF (graphic) documents. The site also provides Boolean search and analysis tools.[45]

The USPTO’s free distribution service only distributes the patent documents as a set of TIFF files.[46] Numerous free and commercial services provide patent documents in other formats, such as Adobe PDF and CPC.

Criticisms

The USPTO has been criticized for granting patents for impossible or absurd, already known, or arguably obvious inventions.[47]

Controversial patents

  • U.S. Patent 5,443,036, “Method of exercising a cat“, covers having a cat chase the beam from a laser pointer. The patent has been criticized as being obvious.[48][49]
  • U.S. Patent 6,004,596, “Sealed crustless sandwich“, issued in 1999, covers the design of a sandwich with crimped edges.[48][50] However, all claims of the patent were subsequently canceled by the PTO upon reexamination.[51]
  • U.S. Patent 6,025,810, “Hyper-light-speed antenna”, an antenna that sends signals faster than the speed of light.[47] According to the description in the patent, “The present invention takes a transmission of energy, and instead of sending it through normal time and space, it pokes a small hole into another dimension, thus, sending the energy through a place which allows transmission of energy to exceed the speed of light.”[52]
  • U.S. Patent 6,368,227, “Method of swinging on a swing”, issued April 9, 2002,[53][54] was granted to a seven-year-old boy, whose father, a patent attorney, wanted to demonstrate how the patent system worked to his son who was five years old at the time of the application. The PTO initially rejected it due to prior art, but eventually issued the patent.[53] However, all claims of the patent were subsequently canceled by the PTO upon reexamination.[55]
  • U.S. Patent 6,960,975, “Space vehicle propelled by the pressure of inflationary vacuum state”, describes an anti-gravity device. In November 2005, the USPTO was criticized by physicists for granting it. The journal Nature first highlighted this patent issued for a device that presumably amounts to a perpetual motionmachine, defying the laws of physics.[56][57][58][59] The device comprises a particular electrically superconducting shield and electromagnetic generating device. The examiner allowed the claims because the design of the shield and device was novel and not obvious.[60] In situations such as this where a substantial question of patentability is raised after a patent issues, the Commissioner of the Patent Office can order a reexamination of the patent.

Controversial trademarks

Slow patent examination and backlog

The USPTO has been criticized for taking an inordinate amount of time in examining patent applications. This is particularly true in the fast-growing area[dated info] ofbusiness method patents. As of 2005, patent examiners in the business method area were still examining patent applications filed in 2001.[citation needed]

The delay was attributed by spokesmen for the Patent Office to a combination of a sudden increase in business method patent filings after the 1998 State Street Bank decision, the unfamiliarity of patent examiners with the business and financial arts (e.g., banking, insurance, stock trading etc.), and the issuance of a number of controversial patents (e.g.U.S. Patent 5,960,411 “Amazon one click patent“) in the business method area.

Effective August 2006, the USPTO introduced an accelerated patent examination procedure in an effort to allow inventors a speedy evaluation of an application with a final disposition within twelve months. The procedure requires additional information to be submitted with the application and also includes an interview with the examiner.[64] The first accelerated patent was granted on March 15, 2007, with a six-month issuance time.[65]

As of the end of 2008, there were 1,208,076 patent applications pending at the Patent Office. At the end of 1997, the number of applications pending was 275,295. Therefore, over those eleven years there was a 439% increase in the number of pending applications.[66]

December 2012 data showed that there was 597,579 unexamined patent application backlog.[67] During the four years since 2009, more than 50% reduction was achieved. First action pendency was reported as 19.2 months.

 

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/United_States_Patent_and_Trademark_Office

 

 

The Libertarian Paradox

Classical Liberalism

Classical liberalism is a political philosophy and ideology belonging to liberalism in which primary emphasis is placed on securing the freedom of the individual by limiting the power of the government. The philosophy emerged as a response to the Industrial Revolution and urbanization in the 19th century in Europe and the United States.[1] It advocates civil liberties with a limited government under the rule of law, private property rights, and belief in laissez-faire economic liberalism.[2][3][4] Classical liberalism is built on ideas that had already arisen by the end of the 18th century, including ideas of Adam SmithJohn LockeJean-Baptiste SayThomas Malthus, and David Ricardo. It drew on a psychological understanding of individual libertynatural lawutilitarianism, and a belief in progress.[5]

In the early 20th century, liberals split on several issues, and particularly in America a distinction grew up between classical liberals and social liberals.

Meaning of the term

In the late 19th century, classical liberalism developed into neo-classical liberalism, which argued for government to be as small as possible in order to allow the exercise of individual freedom. In its most extreme form, it advocated Social DarwinismLibertarianism is a modern form of neo-classical liberalism.[6]

The term classical liberalism was applied in retrospect to distinguish earlier 19th-century liberalism from the newer social liberalism.[7] The phrase classical liberalism is also sometimes used to refer to all forms of liberalismbefore the 20th century, and some conservatives and libertarians use the term classical liberalism to describe their belief in the primacy of individual freedom and minimal government. It is not always clear which meaning is intended.[8][9][10]

Evolution of core beliefs

Core beliefs of classical liberals included new ideas—which departed from both the older conservative idea of society as a family and from later sociological concept of society as complex set of social networks—that individuals were “egoistic, coldly calculating, essentially inert and atomistic”[11] and that society was no more than the sum of its individual members.[12]

These beliefs were complemented by a belief that “labour”, i.e. individuals without capital, can only be motivated by fear of hunger and by a reward, while “men of higher rank” can be motivated by ambition, as well.[citation needed] This led politicians at the time to pass the Poor Law Amendment Act 1834, which limited the provision of social assistance, because classical liberals believed in “an unfettered market” as the mechanism that will most efficiently lead to a nation’s wealth. Adopting Thomas Malthus‘s population theory, they saw poor urban conditions as inevitable, as they believed population growth would outstrip food production; and they considered that to be desirable, as starvation would help limit population growth. They opposed any income or wealth redistribution, which they believed would be dissipated by the lowest orders.[13]

Classical liberals agreed with Thomas Hobbes that government had been created by individuals to protect themselves from one another. They thought that individuals should be free to pursue their self-interest without control or restraint by society. Individuals should be free to obtain work from the highest-paying employers, while the profit motive would ensure that products that people desired were produced at prices they would pay. In a free market, both labour and capital would receive the greatest possible reward, while production would be organised efficiently to meet consumer demand.[14]

Drawing on selected ideas of Adam Smith, classical liberals believed that all individuals are able to equally freely pursue their own economic self-interest, without government direction, serving the common good.[15] They were critical of welfare state[16] as interfering in a free market. They criticized labour’s group rights being pursued at the expense of individual rights,[17] while they accepted big corporations’ rights being pursued at the expense of inequality of bargaining power noted by Adam Smith:[18]

A landlord, a farmer, a master manufacturer, a merchant, though they did not employ a single workman, could generally live a year or two upon the stocks which they have already acquired. Many workmen could not subsist a week, few could subsist a month, and scarce any a year without employment. In the long run the workman may be as necessary to his master as his master is to him; but the necessity is not so immediate.

It was not until emergence of social liberalism that child labour was forbidden, minimum standards of worker safety were introduced, a minimum wage and old age pensions were established, and financial institutions regulations with the goal of fighting cyclic depressions, monopolies, and cartels, were introduced. They were met by classical liberalism as an unjust interference of the state.[19] So called slim state was argued for, instead, serving only the following functions:

  • protection against foreign invaders, extended to include protection of overseas markets through armed intervention,
  • protection of citizens from wrongs committed against them by other citizens, which meant protection of private property and enforcement of contracts and the suppression of trade unions and the Chartist movement,
  • building and maintaining public institutions, and
  • “public works” that included a stable currency, standard weights and measures, and support of roads, canals, harbors, railways, and postal and other communications services.[20]

They believed that rights are of a negative nature which require other individuals (and governments) to refrain from interfering with free market, whereas social liberalism believes labour has a right to be provided with certain benefits or services via taxes paid by corporations.[21]

Core beliefs of classical liberals did not necessarily include democracy where law is made by majority vote by citizens, because “there is nothing in the bare idea of majority rule to show that majorities will always respect the rights of property or maintain rule of law.”[22]For example, James Madison argued for a constitutional republic with protections for individual liberty over a pure democracy, reasoning that, in a pure democracy, a “common passion or interest will, in almost every case, be felt by a majority of the whole…and there is nothing to check the inducements to sacrifice the weaker party….”[23]

Hayek’s typology of beliefs

Friedrich Hayek identified two different traditions within classical liberalism: the “British tradition” and the “French tradition”. Hayek saw the British philosophers Bernard MandevilleDavid Hume, Adam Smith, Adam FergusonJosiah TuckerEdmund Burke and William Paley as representative of a tradition that articulated beliefs in empiricism, the common law, and in traditions and institutions which had spontaneously evolved but were imperfectly understood. The French tradition included RousseauCondorcet, the Encyclopedistsand the Physiocrats. This tradition believed in rationalism and sometimes showed hostility to tradition and religion. Hayek conceded that the national labels did not exactly correspond to those belonging to each tradition: Hayek saw the Frenchmen Montesquieu,Constant and Tocqueville as belonging to the “British tradition” and the British Thomas HobbesPriestleyRichard Price and Thomas Paine as belonging to the “French tradition”.[24] Hayek also rejected the label laissez faire as originating from the French tradition and alien to the beliefs of Hume, Smith and Burke.

History

Classical liberalism in Britain developed from Whiggery and radicalism, and represented a new political ideology. Whiggery had become a dominant ideology following the Glorious Revolution of 1688, and was associated with the defence of Parliament, upholding the rule of law and defending landed property. The origins of rights were seen as being in an ancient constitution, which had existed from time immemorial. These rights, which some Whigs considered to include freedom of the press and freedom of speech, were justified by custom rather than by natural rights. They believed that the power of the executive had to be constrained. While they supported limited suffrage, they saw voting as a privilege, rather than as a right. However there was no consistency in Whig ideology, and diverse writers including John Locke, David Hume, Adam Smith and Edmund Burke were all influential among Whigs, although none of them was universally accepted.[25]

British radicals, from the 1790s to the 1820s, concentrated on parliamentary and electoral reform, emphasizing natural rights and popular sovereignty. Richard Price and Joseph Priestley adapted the language of Locke to the ideology of radicalism.[25] The radicals saw parliamentary reform as a first step toward dealing with their many grievances, including the treatment of Protestant Dissenters, the slave trade, high prices and high taxes.[26]

There was greater unity to classical liberalism ideology than there had been with Whiggery. Classical liberals were committed to individualism, liberty and equal rights. They believed that required a free economy with minimal government interference. Writers such asJohn Bright and Richard Cobden opposed both aristocratic privilege and property, which they saw as an impediment to the development of a class of yeoman farmers. Some elements of Whiggery opposed this new thinking, and were uncomfortable with the commercial nature of classical liberalism. These elements became associated with conservatism.[27]

A meeting of the Anti-Corn Law League inExeter Hall in 1846

Classical liberalism was the dominant political theory in Britain from the early 19th century until the First World War. Its notable victories were the Catholic Emancipation Act of 1829, the Reform Act of 1832, and the repeal of the Corn Laws in 1846. The Anti-Corn Law League brought together a coalition of liberal and radical groups in support of free trade under the leadership of Richard Cobden and John Bright, who opposed militarism and public expenditure. Their policies of low public expenditure and low taxation were adopted by William Ewart Gladstone when he became chancellor of the exchequer and later prime minister. Classical liberalism was often associated with religious dissent and nonconformism.[28]

Although classical liberals aspired to a minimum of state activity, they accepted the principle of government intervention in the economy from the early 19th century with passage of the Factory Acts. From around 1840 to 1860, laissez-faire advocates of the Manchester School and writers in The Economist were confident that their early victories would lead to a period of expanding economic and personal liberty and world peace but would face reversals as government intervention and activity continued to expand from the 1850s. Jeremy Bentham and James Mill, although advocates of laissez faire, non-intervention in foreign affairs, and individual liberty, believed that social institutions could be rationally redesigned through the principles of Utilitarianism. The Conservative prime minister, Benjamin Disraeli, rejected classical liberalism altogether and advocated Tory Democracy. By the 1870s, Herbert Spencer and other classical liberals concluded that historical development was turning against them.[29] By the First World War, the Liberal Party had largely abandoned classical liberal principles.[30]

The changing economic and social conditions of the 19th century led to a division between neo-classical and social liberals who, while agreeing on the importance of individual liberty, differed on the role of the state. Neo-classical liberals, who called themselves “true liberals”, saw Locke’s Second Treatise as the best guide, and emphasised “limited government”, while social liberals supported government regulation and the welfare state.Herbert Spencer in Britain and William Graham Sumner were the leading neo-classical liberal theorists of the 19th century.[31] Neo-classical liberalism has continued into the contemporary era, with writers such as Robert Nozick.[32]

In the United States, liberalism took a strong root because it had little opposition to its ideals, whereas in Europe liberalism was opposed by many reactionary interests. In a nation of farmers, especially farmers whose workers were slaves, little attention was paid to the economic aspects of liberalism. Thomas Jefferson adopted many of the ideals of liberalism but, in the Declaration of Independence, changed Locke’s “life, liberty, and property” to the more socially liberal “life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness”.[33] As America grew, industry became a larger and larger part of American life; and, during the term of America’s first populist president, Andrew Jackson, economic questions came to the forefront. The economic ideas of the Jacksonian era were almost universally the ideas of classical liberalism. Freedom was maximised when the government took a “hands off” attitude toward industrial development and supported the value of the currency by freely exchanging paper money for gold. The ideas of classical liberalism remained essentially unchallenged until a series of depressions, thought to be impossible according to the tenets of classical economics, led to economic hardship from which the voters demanded relief. In the words of William Jennings Bryan, “You shall not crucify the American farmer on a cross of gold.” Classical liberalism remained the orthodox belief among American businessmen until the Great Depression.[34] The Great Depression saw a sea change in liberalism, leading to the development of modern liberalism. In the words of Arthur Schlesinger Jr.:

When the growing complexity of industrial conditions required increasing government intervention in order to assure more equal opportunities, the liberal tradition, faithful to the goal rather than to the dogma, altered its view of the state,” and “there emerged the conception of a social welfare state, in which the national government had the express obligation to maintain high levels of employment in the economy, to supervise standards of life and labour, to regulate the methods of business competition, and to establish comprehensive patterns of social security.[35]

Intellectual sources

John Locke[edit]

Main article: John Locke

Central to classical liberal ideology was their interpretation of John Locke’s Second Treatise of Government and “A Letter Concerning Toleration“, which had been written as a defence of the Glorious Revolution of 1688. Although these writings were considered too radical at the time for Britain’s new rulers, they later came to be cited by Whigs, radicals and supporters of the American Revolution.[36] However, much of later liberal thought was absent in Locke’s writings or scarcely mentioned, and his writings have been subject to various interpretations. There is little mention, for example, of constitutionalism, the separation of powers, and limited government.[37]

James L. Richardson identified five central themes in Locke’s writing: individualism, consent, the concepts of the rule of law and government as trustee, the significance of property, and religious toleration. Although Locke did not develop a theory of natural rights, he envisioned individuals in the state of nature as being free and equal. The individual, rather than the community or institutions, was the point of reference. Locke believed that individuals had given consent to government and therefore authority derived from the people rather than from above. This belief would influence later revolutionary movements.[38]

As a trustee, Government was expected to serve the interests of the people, not the rulers, and rulers were expected to follow the laws enacted by legislatures. Locke also held that the main purpose of men uniting into commonwealths and governments was for the preservation of their property. Despite the ambiguity of Locke’s definition of property, which limited property to “as much land as a man tills, plants, improves, cultivates, and can use the product of”, this principle held great appeal to individuals possessed of great wealth.[39]

Locke held that the individual had the right to follow his own religious beliefs and that the state should not impose a religion against Dissenters. But there were limitations. No tolerance should be shown for atheists, who were seen as amoral, or to Catholics, who were seen as owing allegiance to the Pope over their own national government.[40]

Adam Smith

Main article: Adam Smith

Adam Smith’s The Wealth of Nations, published in 1776, was to provide most of the ideas of economics, at least until the publication of J. S. Mill‘s Principles in 1848.[41] Smith addressed the motivation for economic activity, the causes of prices and the distribution of wealth, and the policies the state should follow in order to maximise wealth.[42]

Smith wrote that as long as supply, demand, prices, and competition were left free of government regulation, the pursuit of material self-interest, rather than altruism, would maximize the wealth of a society[43] through profit-driven production of goods and services. An “invisible hand” directed individuals and firms to work toward the nation’s good as an unintended consequence of efforts to maximize their own gain. This provided a moral justification for the accumulation of wealth, which had previously been viewed by some as sinful.[42]

He assumed that workers could be paid as low as was necessary for their survival, which was later transformed by Ricardo and Malthus into the “Iron Law of Wages“.[44] His main emphasis was on the benefit of free internal and international trade, which he thought could increase wealth through specialization in production.[45] He also opposed restrictive trade preferences, state grants of monopolies, and employers’ organisations and trade unions.[46]Government should be limited to defence, public works and the administration of justice, financed by taxes based on income.[47]

Smith’s economics was carried into practice in the nineteenth century with the lowering of tariffs in the 1820s, the repeal of the Poor Relief Act, that had restricted the mobility of labour, in 1834, and the end of the rule of the East India Company over India in 1858.[48]

Say, Malthus, and Ricardo

In addition to Adam Smith’s legacy, Say’s law, Malthus theories of population and Ricardo’s iron law of wages became central doctrines of classical economics. The pessimistic nature of these theories led to Carlyle calling economics the dismal science and it provided a basis of criticism of capitalism by its opponents.[49]

Jean-Baptiste Say was a French economist who introduced Adam Smith’s economic theories into France and whose commentaries on Smith were read in both France and Britain.[48] Say challenged Smith’s labour theory of value, believing that prices were determined by utility and also emphasised the critical role of the entrepreneur in the economy. However neither of those observations became accepted by British economists at the time. His most important contribution to economic thinking was Say’s law, which was interpreted by classical economists that there could be no overproduction in a market, and that there would always be a balance between supply and demand.[50] This general belief influenced government policies until the 1930s. Following this law, since the economic cycle was seen as self-correcting, government did not intervene during periods of economic hardship because it was seen as futile.[51]

Thomas Malthus wrote two books, An essay on the principle of population, published in 1798, and Principles of political economy, published in 1820. The second book which was a rebuttal of Say’s law had little influence on contemporary economists.[52] His first book however became a major influence on classical liberalism. In that book, Malthus claimed that population growth would outstrip food production, because population grew geometrically, while food production grew arithmetically. As people were provided with food, they would reproduce until their growth outstripped the food supply. Nature would then provide a check to growth in the forms of vice and misery. No gains in income could prevent this, and any welfare for the poor would be self-defeating. The poor were in fact responsible for their own problems which could have been avoided through self-restraint.[53]

David Ricardo, who was an admirer of Adam Smith, covered many of the same topics but while Smith drew conclusions from broadly empirical observations, Ricardo used induction, drawing conclusions by reasoning from basic assumptions.[54] While Ricardo accepted Smith’s labour theory of value, he acknowledged that utility could influence the price of some rare items. Rents on agricultural land were seen as the production that was surplus to the subsistence required by the tenants. Wages were seen as the amount required for workers’ subsistence and to maintain current population levels.[55] According to his Iron Law of Wages, wages could never rise beyond subsistence levels. Ricardo explained profits as a return on capital, which itself was the product of labour. But a conclusion many drew from his theory was that profit was a surplus appropriated by capitalists to which they were not entitled.[56]

Utilitarianism

Main article: Utilitarianism

Utilitarianism provided the political justification for implementation of economic liberalism by British governments, which was to dominate economic policy from the 1830s. Although utilitarianism prompted legislative and administrative reform and John Stuart Mill‘s later writings on the subject foreshadowed the welfare state, it was mainly used as a justification for laissez faire.[57]

The central concept of utilitarianism, which was developed by Jeremy Bentham, was that public policy should seek to provide “the greatest happiness of the greatest number”. While this could be interpreted as a justification for state action to reduce poverty, it was used by classical liberals to justify inaction with the argument that the net benefit to all individuals would be higher.[49]

Political economy

Classical liberals saw utility as the foundation for public policies. This broke both with conservative “tradition” and Lockean “natural rights”, which were seen as irrational. Utility, which emphasises the happiness of individuals, became the central ethical value of all liberalism.[58] Although utilitarianism inspired wide-ranging reforms, it became primarily a justification for laissez-faire economics. However, classical liberals rejected Adam Smith‘s belief that the “invisible hand” would lead to general benefits and embraced Thomas Robert Malthus‘ view that population expansion would prevent any general benefit and David Ricardo‘s view of the inevitability of class conflict. Laissez faire was seen as the only possible economic approach, and any government intervention was seen as useless and harmful. The Poor Law Amendment Act 1834 was defended on “scientific or economic principles” while the authors of the Elizabethan Poor Law of 1601 were seen as not having had the benefit of reading Malthus.[59]

Commitment to laissez faire, however, was not uniform. Some economists advocated state support of public works and education. Classical liberals were also divided on free trade. Ricardo, for example, expressed doubt that the removal of grain tariffs advocated byRichard Cobden and the Anti-Corn Law League would have any general benefits. Most classical liberals also supported legislation to regulate the number of hours that children were allowed to work and usually did not oppose factory reform legislation.[59]

Despite the pragmatism of classical economists, their views were expressed in dogmatic terms by such popular writers as Jane Marcet and Harriet Martineau.[59] The strongest defender of laissez faire was The Economist founded by James Wilson in 1843. The Economist criticised Ricardo for his lack of support for free trade and expressed hostility to welfare, believing that the lower orders were responsible for their economic circumstances. The Economist took the position that regulation of factory hours was harmful to workers and also strongly opposed state support for education, health, the provision of water, and granting of patents and copyrights.[60]

The Economist also campaigned against the Corn Laws that protected landlords in the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland against competition from less expensive foreign imports of cereal products. A rigid belief in laissez faire guided the government response in 1846–1849 to the Great Famine in Ireland, during which an estimated 1.5 million people died. The minister responsible for economic and financial affairs, Charles Wood, expected that private enterprise and free trade, rather than government intervention, would alleviate the famine.[60] The Corn Laws were finally repealed in 1846 by removal tariffs on grain which kept the price of bread artificially high.[61] However, repeal of the Corn Laws came too late to stop Irish famine, partly because it was done in stages over three years.[62][63]

Free trade and world peace

Several liberals, including Adam Smith and Richard Cobden, argued that the free exchange of goods between nations could lead to world peace, a view recognised by such modern American political scientists as Robert Alan DahlMichael W. DoyleBruce Martin Rassett and John Robert Oneal.[64] Dr. Erik Gartzke[65] of Columbia University states, “Scholars like Montesquieu, Adam Smith, Richard Cobden, Norman Angell, and Richard Rosecrance have long speculated that free markets have the potential to free states from the looming prospect of recurrent warfare.”[66] American political scientists John R. Oneal and Bruce M. Russett, well known for their work on the democratic peace theory, state:[67]

The classical liberals advocated policies to increase liberty and prosperity. They sought to empower the commercial class politically and to abolish royal charters, monopolies, and the protectionist policies of mercantilism so as to encourage entrepreneurship and increase productive efficiency. They also expected democracy and laissez-faire economics to diminish the frequency of war.

Adam Smith argued in the Wealth of Nations that, as societies progressed from hunter gatherers to industrial societies, the spoils of war would rise but that the costs of war would rise further, making war difficult and costly for industrialised nations.[68]

… the honours, the fame, the emoluments of war, belong not to [the middle and industrial classes]; the battle-plain is the harvest field of the aristocracy, watered with the blood of the people…Whilst our trade rested upon our foreign dependencies, as was the case in the middle of the last century…force and violence, were necessary to command our customers for our manufacturers…But war, although the greatest of consumers, not only produces nothing in return, but, by abstracting labour from productive employment and interrupting the course of trade, it impedes, in a variety of indirect ways, the creation of wealth; and, should hostilities be continued for a series of years, each successive war-loan will be felt in our commercial and manufacturing districts with an augmented pressure

—Richard Cobden[69]

When goods cannot cross borders, armies will.

By virtue of their mutual interest does nature unite people against violence and war…the spirit of trade cannot coexist with war, and sooner or later this spirit dominates every people. For among all those powers…that belong to a nation, financial power may be the most reliable in forcing nations to pursue the noble cause of peace…and wherever in the world war threatens to break out, they will try to head it off through mediation, just as if they were permanently leagued for this purpose.[71]

Cobden believed that military expenditures worsened the welfare of the state and benefited a small but concentrated elite minority, summing up British imperialism, which he believed was the result of the economic restrictions of mercantilist policies. To Cobden, and many classical liberals, those who advocated peace must also advocate free markets.

Relationship to modern liberalism

Many modern scholars of liberalism argue that no particularly meaningful distinction between classical and modern liberalism exists. Alan Wolfe summarises this viewpoint, which:[72]

reject(s) any such distinction and argue(s) instead for the existence of a continuous liberal understanding that includes both Adam Smith and John Maynard Keynes… The idea that liberalism comes in two forms assumes that the most fundamental question facing mankind is how much government intervenes into the economy… When instead we discuss human purpose and the meaning of life, Adam Smith and John Maynard Keynes are on the same side. Both of them possessed an expansive sense of what we are put on this earth to accomplish. Both were on the side of enlightenment. Both were optimists who believed in progress but were dubious about grand schemes that claimed to know all the answers. For Smith, mercantilism was the enemy of human liberty. For Keynes, monopolies were. It makes perfect sense for an eighteenth-century thinker to conclude that humanity would flourish under the market. For a twentieth century thinker committed to the same ideal, government was an essential tool to the same end… [M]odern liberalism is instead the logical and sociological outcome of classical liberalism.

According to William J. Novak, however, liberalism in the United States shifted, “between 1877 and 1937…from laissez-faire constitutionalism to New Deal statism, from classical liberalism to democratic social-welfarism”.[73]

L. T. Hobhouse, in Liberalism (London: Williams and Norgate, 1911), attributed this purported shift, which included qualified acceptance of government intervention in the economy and the collective right to equality in dealings, to an increased desire for what Hobhouse called “just consent”.[74] Hayek wrote that Hobhouse’s book would have been more accurately titled Socialism, and Hobhouse himself called his beliefs “liberal socialism”.[75]

See also

Notes

  1. Jump up^ Hamowy, p. xxix
  2. Jump up^ Modern Political Philosophy (1999), Richard Hudelson, pp. 37–38
  3. Jump up^ M. O. Dickerson et al., An Introduction to Government and Politics: A Conceptual Approach (2009) p. 129
  4. Jump up^ Bronfenbrenner, Martin (1955). “Two Concepts of Economic Freedom”. Ethics 65 (3): 157–170. doi:10.1086/290998.JSTOR 2378928.
  5. Jump up^ Hudelson, p. 37
  6. Jump up^ Mayne, p. 124
  7. Jump up^ Richardson, p. 52
  8. Jump up^ “What Is Classical Liberalism?” is an example of an article that defines “classical liberalism” as all liberalism before the 20th Century.
  9. Jump up^ “An American Classical Liberalism” is an example of an article that defines “classical liberalism” as small government.
  10. Jump up^ “Guide to Classical Liberal Scholarship”, Introduction defines “classical liberalism” as a belief in peace and freedom.
  11. Jump up^ Hunt, p. 44.
  12. Jump up^ Hunt, pp. 44–46.
  13. Jump up^ Hunt, pp. 49–51.
  14. Jump up^ Hunt, pp. 46–47.
  15. Jump up^ Dickerson, M. O. An Introduction to Government and Politics: A Conceptual Approach. Cengage Learning, 2009. p. 132
  16. Jump up^ Alan Ryan, “Liberalism”, in A Companion to Contemporary Political Philosophy, ed. Robert E. Goodin and Philip Pettit (Oxford: Blackwell Publishing, 1995), 293.
  17. Jump up^ Evans, M. ed. (2001): Edinburgh Companion to Contemporary Liberalism: Evidence and Experience, London: Routledge, 55 (ISBN 1-57958-339-3)
  18. Jump up^ Smith, A. (1776): Wealth of Nations, Book I, ch. 8
  19. Jump up^ Joseph SchumpeterCapitalism, Socialism and Democracy, Routledge, 2010, ISBN 978-0-415-56789-3
  20. Jump up^ Hunt, pp. 51–53.
  21. Jump up^ Kelly, D. (1998): A Life of One’s Own: Individual Rights and the Welfare State, Washington, DC: Cato Institute.
  22. Jump up^ Ryan, A. (1995): “Liberalism”, In: Goodin, R. E. and Pettit, P., eds.: A Companion to Contemporary Political Philosophy, Oxford: Blackwell Publishing, 293.
  23. Jump up^ James Madison, Federalist No. 10 (November 22, 1787), in Alexander Hamilton, John Jay, and James Madison, The Federalist: A Commentary on the Constitution of the United States, ed. Henry Cabot Lodge (New York, 1888), 56.
  24. Jump up^ F. A. Hayek, The Constitution of Liberty (London: Routledge, 1976), 55–56.
  25. Jump up to:a b Vincent, pp. 28–29
  26. Jump up^ Turner, p. 86
  27. Jump up^ Vincent, pp. 29–30
  28. Jump up^ Gray, pp. 26–27
  29. Jump up^ Gray, p. 28
  30. Jump up^ Gray, p. 32
  31. Jump up^ Ishiyama and Breuning, p. 596
  32. Jump up^ Ishiyama and Breuning, p. 603
  33. Jump up^ Steven M. Dworetz, The Unvarnished Doctrine: Locke, Liberalism, and the American Revolution (1994)
  34. Jump up^ Eric Voegelin, Mary Algozin, and Keith Algozin, “Liberalism and Its History”Review of Politics 36, no. 4 (1974): 504–20.
  35. Jump up^ Arthur Schelesinger Jr., “Liberalism in America: A Note for Europeans”, in The Politics of Hope (Boston: Riverside Press, 1962).
  36. Jump up^ Steven M. Dworetz, The Unvarnished Doctrine: Locke, Liberalism, and the American Revolution (1989)
  37. Jump up^ Richardson, pp. 22–23
  38. Jump up^ Richardson, p. 23
  39. Jump up^ Richardson, pp. 23–24
  40. Jump up^ Richardson, p. 24
  41. Jump up^ Mills, pp. 63, 68
  42. Jump up to:a b Mills, p. 64
  43. Jump up^ The Wealth of Nations, Strahan and Cadell, 1778
  44. Jump up^ Mills, p. 65
  45. Jump up^ Mills, p. 66
  46. Jump up^ Mills, p. 67
  47. Jump up^ Mills, p. 68
  48. Jump up to:a b Mills, p. 69
  49. Jump up to:a b Mills, p. 76
  50. Jump up^ Mills, p. 70
  51. Jump up^ Mills, p. 71
  52. Jump up^ Mills, pp. 71–72
  53. Jump up^ Mills, p. 72
  54. Jump up^ Mills, pp. 73–74
  55. Jump up^ Mills, p. 74–75
  56. Jump up^ Mills, p. 75
  57. Jump up^ Richardson, p. 32
  58. Jump up^ Richardson, p. 31
  59. Jump up to:a b c Richardson, p. 33
  60. Jump up to:a b Richardson, p. 34
  61. Jump up^ George Miller. On Fairness and Efficiency. The Policy Press, 2000. ISBN 978-1-86134-221-8 p.344
  62. Jump up^ Christine Kinealy. A Death-Dealing Famine:The Great Hunger in Ireland. Pluto Press, 1997. ISBN 978-0-7453-1074-9. p. 59
  63. Jump up^ Stephen J. Lee. Aspects of British Political History, 1815–1914. Routledge, 1994. ISBN 978-0-415-09006-3. p. 83
  64. Jump up^ John R. Oneal, Department of Political Science, The University of Alabama
  65. Jump up^ Dr. Erik Gartzke, Department of Political Science, University of California, San Diego
  66. Jump up^ Erik Gartzke, “Economic Freedom and Peace,” in Economic Freedom of the World: 2005 Annual Report (Vancouver: Fraser Institute, 2005).
  67. Jump up^ Oneal, J. R.; Russet, B. M. (1997). “The Classical Liberals Were Right: Democracy, Interdependence, and Conflict, 1950-1985”.International Studies Quarterly 41 (2): 267–294. doi:10.1111/1468-2478.00042. edit
  68. Jump up^ Michael Doyle, Ways of War and Peace: Realism, Liberalism, and Socialism (New York: Norton, 1997), 237 (ISBN 0-393-96947-9).
  69. Jump up^ Edward P. Stringham, “Commerce, Markets, and Peace: Richard Cobden’s Enduring Lessons”Independent Review 9, no. 1 (2004): 105, 110, 115.
  70. Jump up^ Daniel T. Griswold, “Peace on Earth, Free Trade for Men”, Cato Institute, December 31, 1998.
  71. Jump up^ Immanuel KantThe Perpetual Peace.
  72. Jump up^ Alan Wolfe,“A False Distinction”The New Republic, 2009
  73. Jump up^ William J. Novak, [“The Not-So-Strange Birth of the Modern American State: A Comment on James A. Henretta’s ‘Charles Evans Hughes and the Strange Death of Liberal America'”], Law and History Review 24, no. 1 (2006).
  74. Jump up^ L. T. Hobhouse, Liberalism, in Hobhouse: Liberalism and Other Writings, James Meadowcroft, editor, Cambridge University Press, 1994, ISBN 978-0-521-43726-4
  75. Jump up^ F. A. Hayek, The Fatal Conceit: The Errors of Socialism (University of Chicago Press, 1991), 110.

References

 

 

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The Pronk Pops Show 257, May 8, 2014, Story 1: House of Representatives Vote 232 Yes and 186 No To Establish Select Committee to Investigate Events Surrounding Benghazi Attacks on September 11-12, 2012 — Videos

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Story 1: House of Representatives Vote 232 Yes and 186 No To Establish Select Committee to Investigate Events Surrounding Benghazi Attacks on September 11-12, 2012 — Videos

benghazi

glen_doherty_tyrone_woods

House select committee to investigate attacks on CIA in Benghazi

By Raymond Thomas Pronk

THE-4-AMERICANS-KILLED-IN-BENGHAZI

 

Four Americans killed in Benghazi terrorist attack: Ambassador J. Christopher Stevens, U.S. Foreign Service Information Management Officer Sean Smith, CIA security contractors and former Navy Seals Glen Doherty and Tyrone Woods

I

In the case of the Benghazi terrorist attacks that seriously wounded many and killed Ambassador Chris Stevens and three State Department and Central Intelligence Agency employees, was the Obama administration simply bureaucratically incompetent or were they guilty of criminal dereliction of duty, fraud, negligence and obstruction of justice?

Some American people are demanding answers and justice for those wounded and killed. On May 8, the House of Representatives voted largely along party lines to establish a select committee to investigate the Benghazi attacks and the actions taken before and after the attack by President Barack Obama, Secretary of State Hillary Clinton and others in the White House, Department of Defense and Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). The vote was 232 in favor and 186 opposed.

On May 5, House Speaker John Boehner (R-Ohio) named Rep. Trey Gowdy (R-S.C.) to lead the select committee Benghazi investigation. Gowdy was most likely picked because he was a former district attorney and federal prosecutor and is knowledgeable about Benghazi. He is a second-term Congressman who serves on the House Oversight Committee chaired by Darrel Issa. This committee has been investigating both the Benghazi and IRS scandals.

On May 1 the Oversight Committee heard the testimony of retired Air Force Brigadier General Robert Lovell who served as deputy intelligence director at the U.S. Africa Command in Germany (AFRICOM) and was on duty the night of the Benghazi attack. Lovell said, “There are accounts of time, space and capability discussions of the question, could we have gotten there in time to make a difference. Well, the discussion is not in the ‘could or could not’ in relation to time, space and capability—the point is we should have tried. As another saying goes: ‘Always move to the sound of the guns’.”

Lovell testified that “we didn’t know how long this would last when we became aware of the distress nor did we completely understand what we had in front of us, be it a kidnapping, rescue, recovery, protracted hostile engagement or any or all of the above. But what we did know quite early on was that this was a hostile action. This was no demonstration gone terribly awry.”

In the days, weeks and months following the Benghazi attacks, Obama, Clinton, United Nations Ambassador Susan Rice and presidential press secretary Jay Carney repeatedly misled and lied to the American people. They claimed that a spontaneous protest caused by a hateful video directly lead to the Benghazi terrorist attacks by Islamic fanatics on the anniversary of Sept. 11, 2001.

Judicial Watch filed a Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) request, followed by a lawsuit against the Department of State in October 2012 to gain access to Benghazi documents concerning the talking points used by Rice. She used these talking points on the Sunday news shows of ABC, CBS, NBC, Fox News and CNN on Sept. 16. 2012. Rice, echoing earlier statements of Clinton and Obama, blamed Benghazi on a hateful video and not on a planned and well executed terrorist attack.

Finally on April 18, Judicial Watch obtained 41 Benghazi-related State Department documents including an email sent by then White House Deputy Strategic Communications Adviser Ben Rhodes to other Obama administration public relations officials. Rhodes email had the subject line: “RE: PREP CALL with Susan, Saturday at 4:00 pm ET.” The email lists a goal is “to underscore that these protests are rooted in an Internet video, and not a broader failure of policy.”

However, another document Judicial Watch obtained was an email dated Sept. 12, 2012, from former Deputy Spokesman at U.S. Mission to the United Nations Payton Knopf to Rice noting that State Department spokesman Victoria Nuland stated that the attack on the consulate had been well planned.

The Rhodes email has been characterized by Judicial Watch as the Benghazi smoking gun for the Obama White House, “without a shadow of doubt – lying and misleading the American people.”

Charles Kruthammer of the Fox News Channel said “We now have the smoking document, which is the White House saying, ‘We’re pushing the video because we don’t want to blame it on the failure of our policies’.”

House Speaker John Boehner had been resisting calls by more than 190 Republican members of Congress to establish a select committee. However after the release of the Judicial Watch documents including the Rhodes email, he reversed himself, saying he was tired of “continued obstruction” by the White House.

During late summer and early fall, C-Span and the television networks should be covering the select committee on the Benghazi investigation to discover the truth and answer the many questions still remaining. This select committee will be compared to the Watergate committee that investigated the break-in of the Democratic Party National Headquarters in the Watergate apartment and office complex in Washington. The findings of this investigative committee led ultimately to the resignation of Republican President Richard Nixon on Aug. 9, 1974, to avoid impeachment.

The select committee hearings will impact the November elections. Many members of the armed forces, their families and veterans want to know why the president did not give orders to various military commanders to try to rescue and support the State Department and CIA employees under attack for many hours at both the diplomatic facility and CIA annex?

Why has not a single terrorist been arrested or brought to justice? Why was the CIA in Benghazi? Was the CIA shipping arms including shoulder mounted surface-to-air missiles that can shoot down airliners as well as military aircraft to rebels affiliated with Al Qaeda in both Libya and Syria? These and many more questions still remain unanswered. Hopefully, the select committee will provide the answers and broadcast them live on television to the American people in the coming months.

Benghazi Committee Boycott – DNC Chair Boycott If Panel Is Unbalanced – On The Record

Carney, Karl in Heated Exchange Over Rice’s Benghazi Talking Points

Gowdy on Benghazi Select Committee

Judicial Watch calls for more Benghazi information to be released

MacCallum Takes On Dem Over Criticism of New Benghazi Probe

Hillary Clinton Fires Back Over Benghazi Select Committee On The Record

Benghazi Gate – New Explosive Info On Attack In Libya – Whistleblowers Threaten By Obama Admin

Benghazi Whistleblower Hearing part 1

Benghazi Whistleblower Hearing part 2

Benghazi Whistleblower Hearing part 3

Oversight Hearing Part 1 – “The Security Failures of Benghazi”

Part 2 – The Security Failures of Benghazi

Wolf Calls For House Select Committee To Investigate Benghazi Attack

• Sharyl Attkisson • media bias • Benghazi • Glenn Beck • 4/30/14 •

Treason Exposed! Obama Used Benghazi Attack to Cover Up Arms Shipments to Muslim Brotherhood

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The Pronk Pops Show 253, April 30, 2014, Story 1: Advanced Estimate of 1st Quarter Real Gross Domestic Product Growth .1% — Obama Recession Begins Blamed on Climate Change — Winter — Videos

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Story 1: Advanced Estimate of 1st Quarter Real Gross Domestic Product Growth .1% — Obama Recession Begins Blamed on Climate Change — Winter — Videos

gdp_large

gdp_1970-2009

average-annual-increase-in-real-gdp

CNBC Reacts To Disappointing GDP Growth: “Holy Cow,” “Weak,” “We Are Doing A Double Take”

 

Obama Administration Under Fire By GOP Over Economy

 

Fixing the GDP by Changing the Definition of GDP


Measuring GDP using the Income Approach and the Expenditure Approach – HD

EMBARGOED UNTIL RELEASE AT 8:30 A.M. EDT, WEDNESDAY, APRIL 30, 2014
BEA 14-18

* See the navigation bar at the right side of the news release text for links to data tables,
contact personnel and their telephone numbers, and supplementary materials.

Lisa S. Mataloni: (202) 606-5304 (GDP) gdpniwd@bea.gov
Jeannine Aversa: (202) 606-2649 (News Media)
National Income and Product Accounts
Gross Domestic Product: First Quarter 2014 (advance estimate)
      Real gross domestic product -- the output of goods and services produced by labor and property
located in the United States -- increased at an annual rate of 0.1 percent in the first quarter (that is, from
the fourth quarter of 2013 to the first quarter of 2014), according to the "advance" estimate released by
the Bureau of Economic Analysis.  In the fourth quarter, real GDP increased 2.6 percent.

      The Bureau emphasized that the first-quarter advance estimate released today is based on source
data that are incomplete or subject to further revision by the source agency (see the box on page 3 and
"Comparisons of Revisions to GDP" on page 5).  The "second" estimate for the first quarter, based on
more complete data, will be released on May 29, 2014.

      The increase in real GDP in the first quarter primarily reflected a positive contribution from
personal consumption expenditures (PCE) that was partly offset by negative contributions from exports,
private inventory investment, nonresidential fixed investment, residential fixed investment, and state and
local government spending.  Imports, which are a subtraction in the calculation of GDP, decreased.


BOX___________

Annual Revision of the National Income and Product Accounts

      The annual revision of the national income and product accounts will be released along with the
"advance" estimate of GDP for the second quarter of 2014 on July 30.  In addition to the regular revision
of estimates for the most recent 3 years and the first quarter of 2014, GDP and select components will be
revised back to the first quarter of 1999 (see the Technical Note).  The August Survey of Current
Business will contain an article that describes the annual revision in detail.

FOOTNOTE______

      NOTE.  Quarterly estimates are expressed at seasonally adjusted annual rates, unless otherwise
specified.  Quarter-to-quarter dollar changes are differences between these published estimates.  Percent
changes are calculated from unrounded data and are annualized.  "Real" estimates are in chained (2009)
dollars.  Price indexes are chain-type measures.

This news release is available on BEA’s Web site along with the Technical Note
and Highlights related to this release.
______________

      The deceleration in real GDP growth in the first quarter primarily reflected downturns in exports
and in nonresidential fixed investment, a larger decrease in private inventory investment, a deceleration
in PCE, and a downturn in state and local government spending that were partly offset by an upturn in
federal government spending and a downturn in imports.

      The price index for gross domestic purchases, which measures prices paid by U.S. residents,
increased 1.4 percent in the first quarter, compared with an increase of 1.5 percent in the fourth.
Excluding food and energy prices, the price index for gross domestic purchases increased 1.4 percent in
the first quarter, compared with an increase of 1.8 percent in the fourth.

      Real personal consumption expenditures increased 3.0 percent in the first quarter, compared with
an increase of 3.3 percent in the fourth.  Durable goods increased 0.8 percent, compared with an increase
of 2.8 percent.  Nondurable goods increased 0.1 percent, compared with an increase of 2.9 percent.
Services increased 4.4 percent, compared with an increase of 3.5 percent.

      Real nonresidential fixed investment decreased 2.1 percent in the first quarter, in contrast to an
increase of 5.7 percent in the fourth.  Nonresidential structures increased 0.2 percent, in contrast to a
decrease of 1.8 percent.  Equipment decreased 5.5 percent, in contrast to an increase of 10.9 percent.
Intellectual property products increased 1.5 percent, compared with an increase of 4.0 percent.  Real
residential fixed investment decreased 5.7 percent, compared with a decrease of 7.9 percent.

      Real exports of goods and services decreased 7.6 percent in the first quarter, in contrast to an
increase of 9.5 percent in the fourth.  Real imports of goods and services decreased 1.4 percent, in
contrast to an increase of 1.5 percent.

      Real federal government consumption expenditures and gross investment increased 0.7 percent
in the first quarter, in contrast to a decrease of 12.8 percent in the fourth.  National defense decreased 2.4
percent, compared with a decrease of 14.4 percent.  Nondefense increased 5.9 percent, in contrast to a
decrease of 10.0 percent.  Real state and local government consumption expenditures and gross
investment decreased 1.3 percent; it was unchanged in the fourth quarter.

      The change in real private inventories subtracted 0.57 percentage point from the first-quarter
change in real GDP after subtracting 0.02 percentage point from the fourth-quarter change.  Private
businesses increased inventories $87.4 billion in the first quarter, following increases of $111.7 billion
in the fourth quarter and $115.7 billion in the third.

      Real final sales of domestic product -- GDP less change in private inventories -- increased 0.7
percent in the first quarter, compared with an increase of 2.7 percent in the fourth.


Gross domestic purchases

      Real gross domestic purchases -- purchases by U.S. residents of goods and services wherever
produced -- increased 0.9 percent in the first quarter, compared with an increase of 1.6 percent in the
fourth.


Disposition of personal income

      Current-dollar personal income increased $122.0 billion, or 3.5 percent, in the first quarter,
compared with an increase of $78.5 billion, or 2.2 percent, in the fourth.  The acceleration in personal
income primarily reflected an acceleration in government social benefits to persons.

      Personal current taxes increased $18.9 billion in the first quarter, compared with an increase of
$21.4 billion in the fourth.

      Disposable personal income increased $103.1 billion, or 3.3 percent, in the first quarter,
compared with an increase of $57.1 billion, or 1.8 percent, in the fourth.  Real disposable personal
income increased 1.9 percent in the first quarter, compared with an increase of 0.8 percent in the fourth.

      Personal outlays increased $131.8 billion, or 4.4 percent, in the first quarter, compared with an
increase of $127.0 billion, or 4.3 percent, in the fourth.

      Personal saving -- disposable personal income less personal outlays -- was $518.7 billion in the
first quarter, compared with $547.4 billion in the fourth.

      The personal saving rate -- personal saving as a percentage of disposable personal income -- was
4.1 percent in the first quarter, compared with 4.3 percent in the fourth.  For a comparison of personal
saving in BEA’s national income and product accounts with personal saving in the Federal Reserve
Board’s financial accounts of the United States and data on changes in net worth, go to
www.bea.gov/national/nipaweb/Nipa-Frb.asp.


Current-dollar GDP

      Current-dollar GDP -- the market value of the nation's output of goods and services -- increased
1.4 percent, or $60.0 billion, in the first quarter to a level of $17,149.6 billion.  In the fourth quarter,
current-dollar GDP increased 4.2 percent, or $176.7 billion.


BOX__________

      Information on the assumptions used for unavailable source data is provided in a technical note
that is posted with the news release on BEA's Web site.  Within a few days after the release, a detailed
"Key Source Data and Assumptions" file is posted on the Web site.  In the middle of each month, an
analysis of the current quarterly estimate of GDP and related series is made available on the Web site;
click on Survey of Current Business, "GDP and the Economy."  For information on revisions, see
"Revisions to GDP, GDI, and Their Major Components."

_____________


      BEA's national, international, regional, and industry estimates; the Survey of Current Business;
and BEA news releases are available without charge on BEA's Web site at www.bea.gov.  By visiting
the site, you can also subscribe to receive free e-mail summaries of BEA releases and announcements.


                                           *          *          *

                               Next release -- May 29, 2014 at 8:30 A.M. EDT for:
                       Gross Domestic Product:  First Quarter 2014 (Second Estimate)
                       Corporate Profits:  First Quarter 2014 (Preliminary Estimate)

                                       Comparisons of Revisions to GDP

     Quarterly estimates of GDP are released on the following schedule:  the "advance" estimate, based on
source data that are incomplete or subject to further revision by the source agency, is released near the end of the
first month after the end of the quarter; as more detailed and more comprehensive data become available,
the "second" and "third" estimates are released near the end of the second and third months, respectively.
The "latest"” estimate reflects the results of both annual and comprehensive revisions.

     Annual revisions, which generally cover the quarters of the 3 most recent calendar years, are usually carried
out each summer and incorporate newly available major annual source data.  Comprehensive (or benchmark)
revisions are carried out at about 5-year intervals and incorporate major periodic source data, as well as
improvements in concepts and methods that update the accounts to portray more accurately the evolving U.S.
economy.

The table below shows comparisons of the revisions between quarterly percent changes of current-dollar
and of real GDP for the different vintages of the estimates.  From the advance estimate to the second estimate (one
month later), the average revision to real GDP without regard to sign is 0.5 percentage point, while from the
advance estimate to the third estimate (two months later), it is 0.6 percentage point.  From the advance estimate to
the latest estimate, the average revision without regard to sign is 1.3 percentage points.  The average revision
(with regard to sign) from the advance estimate to the latest estimate is 0.3 percentage point, which is larger
than the average revisions from the advance estimate to the second or to the third estimates.  The larger average
revisions to the latest estimate reflect the fact that comprehensive revisions include major improvements, such as
the incorporation of BEA’s latest benchmark input-output accounts.  The quarterly estimates correctly indicate the
direction of change of real GDP 97 percent of the time, correctly indicate whether GDP is accelerating or
decelerating 72 percent of the time, and correctly indicate whether real GDP growth is above, near, or below trend
growth more than four-fifths of the time.

                           Revisions Between Quarterly Percent Changes of GDP: Vintage Comparisons
                                                     [Annual rates]

       Vintages                                   Average         Average without     Standard deviation of
       compared                                                    regard to sign      revisions without
                                                                                         regard to sign

____________________________________________________Current-dollar GDP_______________________________________________

Advance to second....................               0.2                 0.5                  0.4
Advance to third.....................                .2                  .7                   .4
Second to third......................                .0                  .3                   .2

Advance to latest....................                .3                 1.3                  1.0

________________________________________________________Real GDP_____________________________________________________

Advance to second....................               0.1                 0.5                  0.4
Advance to third.....................                .1                  .6                   .4
Second to third......................                .0                  .2                   .2

Advance to latest....................                .3                 1.3                  1.0

NOTE.  These comparisons are based on the period from 1983 through 2010.

Last updated: April 30, 2014 2:32 pm

US growth slows sharply to 0.1% in first quarter

NEW YORK, NY - SEPTEMBER 06: A man walks by the New York Stock Exchange on September 6, 2012 in New York City. Following news of a new European Central Bank bond-buying program and stronger-than-expected data on the job market ,The Dow Jones industrial average rose 245 points, or 1.9% to close at the highest level since December 2007. (Photo by Spencer Platt/Getty Images)©Getty

The US economy came near to stalling in the first quarter after one of the coldest winters on record, raising doubts over whether output will meet the US Federal Reserve’s expectations for 2014.

A surge in healthcare spending was all that kept the economy afloat in the first three months of the year, when annualised growth came in at a miserable 0.1 per cent – well below the 1.1 per cent economists were predicting.

US GDP growth

The Fed shrugged off the dismal figures, saying growth had accelerated since the first quarter. It reduced or “tapered” its asset purchases by a further $10bn to $45bn a month, underlining its belief that the underlying economy is still on track despite the spell of weakness.

However, the data raise doubts about the Fed’s 2.9 per cent growth forecast for the whole of 2014.

Exports and investment both fell heavily and the economy would have shrunk if President Barack Obama’s healthcare reform had not led to a record increase in healthcare spending.

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IN US ECONOMY

“Disappointing news on first-quarter GDP growth, but it was principally due to the weather,” said Paul Ashworth at Capital Economics in Toronto. “We anticipate that second-quarter GDP growth will rebound to 3.5 per cent”

The S&P slipped 0.2 per cent at the start of the day, with technology shares under pressure, but by lunchtime it was slightly higher as markets digested the reasons for the gross domestic product figure. Treasury yields were steady while the dollar remained on the defensive.

Consumption grew at a robust annualised pace of 3 per cent in the first quarter – well ahead of market expectations – and contributed 2 percentage points to overall growth.

But that was offset by a 6.1 per cent annualised fall in investment and a 7.6 per cent fall in exports. Together, they knocked 2 percentage points off total growth so the size of the economy was flat overall.

The main reason for stronger consumption was an unprecedented increase in medical spending – adding 1.1 percentage points to growth – as the expansion of health coverage under the Affordable Care Act began to take effect.

The combination of weather effects and the healthcare changes mean that the initial GDP estimate may be prone to revisions, which often result in big swings in the growth numbers.

On a day packed with economic data, the private payrolls processor ADP said the US economy had added 220,000 private sector jobs in April, ahead of forecasts of 210,000.

The ADP figures will fuel expectations of an acceleration in the official jobs number, due on Friday, which is expected to show total jobs growth of 215,000. The jobs data provide strong evidence that weak GDP in the first quarter did not lead to a total collapse in growth.

Separately, the Bureau of Labour Statistics released its quarterly employment cost index, which showed a rise in wages of just 1.8 per cent in the year to March 2014.

Wage rises are expected to be the first signal of inflation that would force the Fed to raise interest rates, so the subdued reading will encourage the central bank to keep monetary policy looser for longer.

The Fed will not publish economic forecasts this month and there is no press conference from chairwoman Janet Yellen.

http://www.ft.com/cms/s/0/2dea31bc-d062-11e3-af2b-00144feabdc0.html#axzz30QUTojvz

Five things you must know about US growth

There are two reasonable responses to news of the US economy’s dismal 0.1 per cent annualised growth in the first quarter of 2014: either panic, or else curse the vagaries of economic data, and wait for revisions to straighten out the rather jumbled numbers. Consumption came in stronger than expected, while investment and exports were dreadful, making it hard to tell a clear story about the state of the world’s largest economy. Here are five takeaways:

(1) Last of the winter weather

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First-quarter gross domestic product is the last release that covers a freezing US winter – all other data from January and February are ancient history now.

Almost every area of weakness could be chalked up to weather: goods consumption, up just 0.4 per cent at an annualised pace, because buyers stayed away from the shops; residential investment, down 5.7 per cent, because of delayed construction; and exports, down 7.6 per cent, because manufacturers could not ship via snow-clogged roads and railways.

More up-to-date data, such as non-farm payrolls, suggests the economy picked up in March and April.

(2) Watch out for revisions and a second quarter rebound

The first release of GDP is always prone to large revisions. This time, though, changes are especially likely. A lot of data are unavailable when the Bureau of Economic Analysis makes its first estimate, so the 0.1 per cent number will be using a lot of figures from January and February, which were hardest hit by the weather, with more numbers from March – which was less affected – still to arrive.

Even if revisions do not move the numbers up, there is likely to be a rebound in the second quarter, as some weather-affected activity was delayed but not lost. Morgan Stanley’s tracking estimate for the second quarter is annualised growth of 3.5 per cent.

(3) The Affordable Care Act rescued the numbers

It says nothing about the merits of President Barack Obama’s healthcare reform, but if the ACA had not existed, then GDP would have fallen. Healthcare spending contributed a massive 1.1 percentage points to growth, so without it, the headline GDP figure would have been minus 1 per cent.

In the national accounts, expansion of the Medicaid healthcare programme for the poor and subsidies for people buying health insurance count as social benefits, and thus boost personal incomes. When people actually consume health insurance or medical services it counts as consumption and shows up in the main expenditure-based version of GDP.

(4) . . . but that spending may yet be revised away too

The BEA does not actually know yet how much newly insured people are spending on medical care. This is yet another estimate. What the BEA says is: “For preliminary estimates made before the final source data are available, BEA will take account of available information on Medicaid benefits, ACA insurance exchange enrolments, and other related information.”

This suggests the BEA’S estimates of healthcare consumption are heavily influenced by the number of sign-ups on insurance exchanges and theoretical expansions in Medicaid coverage. If actual spending does not match the uncertain estimates, this bit of GDP could be revised down.

(5) It is right to worry, at least a little

All the volatility in the numbers makes it hard to take a clear signal, but all the same, there are reasons to worry in this release. The US Federal Reserve’s economic scenario for 2014 involves an acceleration in growth. Housing and business investment are the components of GDP most likely to bring that.

It is bad news, therefore, to have business investment off by 5.5 per cent at an annualised pace and housing investment down by 5.7 per cent. Even with the hit from the weather, this is more consistent with another year of mediocre 2 per cent growth, than the forecast acceleration towards 3 per cent.

 http://www.ft.com/intl/cms/s/0/14b03c1a-d06b-11e3-af2b-00144feabdc0.html#axzz30QUTojvz

US economy slowed to 0.1 percent growth rate in Q1


By MARTIN CRUTSINGER

 

WASHINGTON (AP) — The U.S. economy slowed drastically in the first three months of the year as a harsh winter exacted a toll on business activity. The slowdown, while worse than expected, is likely to be temporary as growth rebounds with warmer weather.

Growth slowed to a barely discernible 0.1 percent annual rate in the January-March quarter, the Commerce Department said Wednesday. That was the weakest pace since the end of 2012 and was down from a 2.6 percent rate in the previous quarter.

Many economists said the government’s first estimate of growth in the January-March quarter was skewed by weak figures early in the quarter. They noted that several sectors — from retail sales to manufacturing output — rebounded in March. That strength should provide momentum for the rest of the year.

And on Friday, economists expect the government to report a solid 200,000-plus job gain for April.

 


“While quarter one was weak, many measures of sentiment and output improved in March and April, suggesting that the quarter ended better than it began,” said Dan Greenhaus, chief investment strategist at global financial services firm BTIG.

Still, the anemic growth last quarter is surely a topic for discussion at the Federal Reserve’s latest policy meeting, which ends Wednesday afternoon. No major changes are expected in a statement the Fed will release. But it will likely announce a fourth reduction in its monthly bond purchases because of the gains the economy has been making. The Fed’s bond purchases have been intended to keep long-term loan rates low.

In its report Wednesday, the government said consumer spending grew at a 3 percent annual rate last quarter. But that gain was dominated by a 4.4 percent rise in spending on services, reflecting higher utility bills. Spending on goods barely rose. Also dampening growth were a drop in business investment, a rise in the trade deficit and a fall in housing construction.

The scant 0.1 percent growth rate in the gross domestic product, the country’s total output of goods and services, was well below the 1.1 percent rise economists had predicted. The last time a quarterly growth rate was so slow was in the final three months of 2012, when it was also 0.1 percent.

Ian Shepherdson, chief economist at Pantheon Marcroeconomics, said he expects the economy’s growth to rebound to a 3 percent annual rate in the current April-June quarter. Other economists have made similar forecasts.

 


A variety of factors held back first-quarter growth. Business investment fell at a 2.1 percent rate, with spending on equipment plunging at a 5.5 percent annual rate. Residential construction fell at a 5.7 percent rate. Housing was hit by winter weather and by other factors such as higher home prices and a shortage of available houses.

A widening of the trade deficit, thanks to a sharp fall in exports, shaved growth by 0.8 percentage point in the first quarter. Businesses also slowed their restocking, with a slowdown in inventory rebuilding reducing growth by nearly 0.6 percentage point.

Also holding back growth: A cutback in spending by state and local governments. That pullback offset a rebound in federal activity after the 16-day partial government shutdown last year.

Economists say most of the factors that held back growth in the first quarter have already begun to reverse. Most expect a strong rebound in growth in the April-June quarter.

Analysts say the stronger growth will endure through the rest of the year as the economy derives help from improved job growth, rising consumer spending and a rebound in business investment.

In fact, many analysts believe 2014 will be the year the recovery from the Great Recession finally achieves the robust growth that’s needed to accelerate hiring and reduce still-high unemployment. Many analysts think annual economic growth will remain around 3 percent for the rest of the year.

If that proves accurate, the economy will have produced the fastest annual expansion in the gross domestic product, the broadest gauge of the economy’s health, in nine years. The last time growth was so strong was in 2005, when GDP grew 3.4 percent, two years before the nation fell into the worst recession since the 1930s.

A group of economists surveyed this month by The Associated Press said they expected unemployment to fall to 6.2 percent by the end of this year from 6.7 percent in March.

One reason for the optimism is that a drag on growth last year from higher taxes and deep federal spending cuts has been diminishing. A congressional budget truce has also lifted any imminent threat of another government shutdown. As a result, businesses may find it easier to commit to investments to modernize and expand production facilities and boost hiring.

State and local governments, which have benefited from a rebound in tax revenue, are hiring again as well.

Joel Naroff, chief economist at Naroff Economic Advisors, said he expects job growth to average above 200,000 a month for the rest of the year — starting with the April jobs report, which will be released Friday.

“Those are the types of job gains which will generate incomes and consumer confidence going forward,” Naroff said.

http://apnews.myway.com/article/20140430/us-economy-gdp-09b1567225.html

 

US economy stalls in Q1, inventories and trade weigh

CNBC’s Rick Santelli breaks down the first quarter’s weak GDP numbers. And CNBC’s Steve Liesman and Bruce Kasman, JPMorgan Chase chief economist, provide perspective.

The U.S. economy barely grew in the first quarter as exports tumbled and businesses accumulated stocks at the slowest pace in nearly a year, but activity already appears to be bouncing back.

Gross domestic product expanded at a 0.1 percent annual rate, the slowest since the fourth quarter of 2012, the Commerce Department said on Wednesday. That was a sharp pullback from the fourth quarter’s 2.6 percent pace.

Economists polled by Reuters had expected growth to slow to a 1.2 percent rate. The slowdown partly reflected an unusually cold and disruptive winter, marked by declines in sectors ranging from business spending to home building.

Read MoreUS private job creation booms in April: ADP

The Commerce Department’s first snapshot of first-quarter growth was released just hours before the Federal Reserve wraps up a two-day policy meeting.

An employee works on the assembly line installing parts on the Duratech 35 V6 engine at the Ford Motor Co. Engine Plant in Lima, Ohio, U.S. on Friday, March 28, 2014.

While harsh weather could partially explain the weakness in growth, the magnitude of the slowdown could complicate the U.S. central bank’s message as it is set to announce a further reduction in the amount of money it is pumping into the economy through monthly bond purchases.

The first-quarter slowdown, however, is likely to be temporary and recent data have suggested strength at the tail end of the quarter.

Economists estimate severe weather could have chopped off as much as 1.4 percentage points from GDP growth. The government, however, gave no details on the impact of the weather.

Inventory growth decelerates

After aggressively restocking in the second half of 2013, businesses accumulated $87.4 billion worth of inventory in the first quarter, the smallest amount since the second quarter of 2013.

That was a moderation from the $111.7 billion amassed in the fourth quarter that has resulted in manufacturers receiving fewer orders. Inventories subtracted 0.57 percentage point from GDP growth in the first quarter.

Surprising things you can’t sell in the US

Trade also undercut growth, taking off 0.83 percentage point, partly because of the weather, which left goods piling up at ports. Exports fell at a 7.6 percent rate in the first quarter after growing at a 9.5 percent pace in the final three months of 2013.

Together, inventories and trade sliced off 1.4 percentage point from GDP growth.

Consumer spending, which accounts for more than two-thirds of U.S. economic activity, increased at a 3.0 percent rate, reflecting a spurt in spending on services linked to the Affordable Healthcare Act.

Read MoreWhy the slowdown in US economy may be temporary 

Spending on goods, however, slowed sharply, indicating that frigid temperatures during the winter had reduced foot traffic to shopping malls. Consumer spending had increased at a brisk 3.3 percent pace in the fourth-quarter.

Harsh weather also undercut business spending on equipment. While investment in nonresidential structures, such as gas drilling, rebounded, the increase was minor.

Investment in home building contracted for a second straight quarter, in part because of the weather. But a rise in mortgage rates over the past year has also hurt.

PLAY VIDEO

A second quarter of contraction in spending on home building suggests a housing recession, which could raise some eyebrows at the U.S. central bank. A bounce back is, however, expected in the April-June period.

US labor costs rise marginally

U.S. labor costs increased at their slowest pace in more than two years in the first quarter, suggesting that slack in the jobs market continues to keep wage inflation subdued.

Read MoreChina to overtake US economy; India trumps Japan

The Employment Cost Index, the broadest measure of labor costs, rose 0.3 percent after gaining 0.5 percent in the fourth quarter, the Labor Department said on Wednesday. That was the smallest gain since the third quarter of 2011.

Economists polled by Reuters had forecast labor costs increasing 0.5 percent in the first quarter.

In the 12 months through March, costs rose 1.8 percent, the smallest since the second quarter of 2012. They had advanced 2.0 percent in the 12 months through December.

 

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The Pronk Pops Show 252, April 29, 2014, Story 1: Ralph Nader’s Unstoppable Left-Right Alliance of Progressives and Libertarians — Bad Idea — Progressive Are Collectivisits and Statists — Libertarians Oppose Both — Independent Party is The Answer — Videos

Posted on April 29, 2014. Filed under: American History, Banking System, Blogroll, Budgetary Policy, College, Communications, Constitutional Law, Drugs, Economics, Education, Employment, Federal Government, Fiscal Policy, Genocide, Government, Health Care, Health Care Insurance, History, Illegal Immigration, Immigration, Investments, Labor Economics, Law, Media, Monetary Policy, Philosophy, Politics, Public Sector Unions, Regulation, Science, Tax Policy, Terror, Terrorism, Unemployment, Unions, Videos, Violence, War, Wealth, Wisdom | Tags: , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , |

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Pronk Pops Show 252: April 29, 2014

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Pronk Pops Show 246: April 17, 2014

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Pronk Pops Show 244: April 15, 2014

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Pronk Pops Show 242: April 11, 2014

Pronk Pops Show 241: April 10, 2014

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Pronk Pops Show 238: April 7, 2014

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Pronk Pops Show 236: April 3, 2014

Pronk Pops Show 235: March 31, 2014

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Story 1: Ralph Nader’s Unstoppable Left-Right Alliance of Progressives and Libertarians — Bad Idea — Progressive Are Collectivisits and Statists — Libertarians Oppose Both — Independent Party is The Answer — Videos

Nader_Unstoppableralph_nader

 

Ralph Nader on TPP, GM Recall, Nuclear Power & the “Unstoppable” Left Right Anti Corporate Movement

Ron Paul, Ralph Nader agree on ‘Progressive-Libertarian Alliance’

Nader on Senate’s Climate Stance, “Insanity” of U.S. Nukes, & Why Obama’s Min. Wage Hike Falls Short

RALPH NADER SCHOOLS “JOB CREATOR’S” LACKEY ON RAISING THE MINIMUM WAGE

Milton Friedman on Minimum Wage

Good Intentions 2of3 Minimum Wage, Licensing, and Labor Laws with Walter Williams

“Good Intentions” with Walter E. Williams

Libertarianism: An Introduction

Jon Stewart’s 19 Tough Questions for Libertarians

 

Ralph Nader’s America: Impeach Obama, decriminalize drugs, libertarians & progressives unite!

 

The Fine Print

What if Washington politics were no longer defined by partisan gridlock but instead by a cross-party alliance that forged solutions? The alliance would be unstoppable.

That’s the premise of the new book “Unstoppable: The Emerging Left-Right Alliance to Dismantle the Corporate State” by longtime political activist and five-time presidential candidate Ralph Nader, who contends that such a left-right alliance is not just the stuff of imagination but is actually emerging.

“On Capitol Hill, I’m seeing more and more in Congress, left and right,” Nader told “The Fine Print.” “It was a vote in the House over a year ago over the NSA snooping, it almost broke through … so we’re beginning to see formulations that once they click together, they’re unstoppable.”

Nader was referring to a vote in July 2013 over a measure known as the Amash Amendment that would have curtailed the National Security Agency’s ability to collect bulk phone call data. The measure narrowly failed by 12 votes, in part due to a concerted White House lobbying effort on Capitol Hill.

Nader expects there is going to be a growth of left-right alliances in Congress, pointing to the war on drugs and bank regulatory efforts as areas of possibly confluence. On the war on drugs, Nader said that the United States should entirely decriminalize and move to regulate all drugs in the same way alcohol and tobacco are regulated.

“Tobacco leads to the deaths of over 400,000 Americans, hard drugs lead perhaps to 8,000,” Nader said. “People who are addicted should not be viewed as criminals. They should be a health problem, the way it is in alcoholism and tobacco.”

But Nader qualified that the success of his envisioned left-right alliance is dependent on strong leaders. He said Sen. Rand Paul, son of Ron Paul, has the potential to be a leader for the alliance, but added that he thinks the Kentucky Republican has certain shortcomings as a leader.

“He’s a mixed bag, you know, he’s evolving. He’s broadening his issues that he’s talking about and they’re beginning to resonate,” Nader said. “On the other hand … he has problems dealing with people.”

Paul’s “problems” aside, Nader predicted that he will be “the one to beat” in 2016 in a Republican contest that is also likely to also include Sen. Ted Cruz of Texas and Sen. Marco Rubio of Florida. He also made it clear what he does not want to see in 2016: A Jeb Bush – Hillary Clinton matchup.

“You want a dull campaign? Try Jeb Bush and Hillary Clinton in 2016,” Nader said. “It’ll only be exciting for people who are interested in dynasties and personalities.”

Nader said he never tells anyone not to run for president but that he would oppose a Hillary Clinton presidential bid.

“She’s turned into an international militarist,” he said. “She’s far more hawkish than Obama.”

Nader suggested that Sen. Elizabeth Warren, D – Mass., would be a strong alternative to Clinton, with her understanding of “corporate power,” but said that Warren won’t run because Clinton has “dried up” the prospects for other Democratic contenders to compete.

Nader has his own vision for who he’d like to be president and has even put forward a proposal of 20 billionaires who he encourages to run for president – a list that includes media mogul Oprah Winfrey and environmentalist Tom Steyer.

“That’s where we’re at now: 20 billionaires with some enlightened background and I said run. Run! Run as an independent,” Nader said. “Just to shake up this two-party tyranny … So maybe one of them will run. We certainly have enough of them, don’t we?”

When it comes to the current president, Nader said that Obama has violated the Constitution on several occasions and should be impeached.

“Oh, most definitely,” Nader said when asked if Congress should bring forward articles of impeachment against Obama. “The reason why Congress doesn’t want to do it is because it’s abdicated its own responsibility under the Constitution.”

Nader said the president’s use of military force in Libya has been his most “egregious violation of the Constitution.”

For more of the interview with Nader, check out this episode of “The Fine Print.”

http://news.yahoo.com/blogs/power-players-abc-news/ralph-naders-america-impeach-obama-decriminalize-drugs-libertarians-progressives-unite-110418813.html

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The Pronk Pops Show 250, April 25, 2014, Story 1: 1000 Days and Counting Until Obama Out of Office — Outcome and Results Count — Obama A Failure — Videos

Posted on April 25, 2014. Filed under: American History, Banking System, Blogroll, Budgetary Policy, Business, Communications, Constitutional Law, Economics, Education, Employment, Federal Government, Fiscal Policy, Government, Government Dependency, Government Spending, History, Illegal Immigration, Immigration, Law, Philosophy, Photos, Politics, Public Sector Unions, Success, Tax Policy, Taxes, Technology, Unemployment, Unions, Videos, Violence, War, Wealth, Wisdom | Tags: , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , |

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Pronk Pops Show 250: April 25, 2014

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Pronk Pops Show 248: April 22, 2014

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Story 1: 1000 Days and Counting Until Obama Out of Office — Outcome and Results Count — Obama A Failure — Videos

Time Until Obama Out of Office

“Any society that puts equality before freedom will end up with neither equality or freedom.”

“A society that puts freedom first will as a happy by-product  end up both with greater freedom and greater equality.”

~Milton Friedman

“The road to hell is paved with good intentions.”

“Hell is full of good meanings, but heaven is full of good works.

Tower of Power – Taxed To The Max

Obama: Income Inequality a Defining Challenge

Obama: We Need “Government Action” To Reduce Income Inequality

Milton Friedman – Equality and Freedom

Milton Friedman – Redistribution of Wealth

Responsibility to the Poor

Milton Friedman – Collectivism

Milton Friedman – Socialism is Force

Milton Friedman – The Escape From Collectivism

Milton Friedman – What is America? (Lecture)

Milton Friedman on his Ideal Society

AYN RAND PREDICTS OBAMAS END TO THE REPUBLIC

 

The Forgotten Man

by William Graham Sumner

Responding to an invitation from Harper’s Weekly the previous fall, Sumner drafted eleven short essays during January 1883 for a series on the relations of workers and employers, each being about 2,000 words in length for which be was paid $50 apiece. After appearing in serial form through the early spring, they were collected as What Social Classes Owe to Each Other (New York, 1883). An expanded version of two of the essays of which he was especially proud, this address was given before audiences in Brooklyn and New Haven on January 30 and February 8 or 9, 1883, and were reprinted in Forgotten Man, ed. Albert Galloway Keller, pp. 465-495.

I propose in this lecture to discuss one of the most subtile and widespread social fallacies. It consists in the impression made on the mind for the time being by a particular fact, or by the interests of a particular group of persons, to which attention is directed while other facts or the interests of other persons are entirely left out of account. I shall give a number of instances and illustrations of this in a moment, and I cannot expect you to understand what is meant from an abstract statement until these illustrations are before you, but just by way of a general illustration I will put one or two cases.

Whenever a pestilence like yellow fever breaks out in any city, our attention is especially attracted towards it, and our sympathies are excited for the sufferers. If contributions are called for, we readily respond. Yet the number of persons who die prematurely from consumption every year greatly exceeds the deaths from yellow fever or any similar disease when it occurs, and the suffering entailed by consumption is very muchgreater. The suflering from consumption, however, never constitutes a public question or a subject of social discussion. If an inundation takes place anywhere, constituting a public calamity (and an inundation takes place somewhere in the civilized world nearly every year), public attention is attracted and public appeals are made, but the losses by great inundations must be insignificant compared with the losses by runaway horses, which, taken separately, scarcely obtain mention in a local newspaper. In hard times insolvent debtors are a large class. They constitute an interest and are able to attract public attention, so that social philosophers discuss their troubles and legislatures plan measures of relief.

Insolvent debtors, however, are an insignificant body compared with the victims of commonplace misfortune, or accident, who are isolated, scattered, ungrouped and ungeneralized, and so are never made the object of discussion or relief. In seasons of ordinary prosperity, persons who become insolvent have to get out of their troubles as they can. They have no hope of relief from the legislature. The number of insolvents during a series of years of general prosperity, and their losses, greatly exceed the number and losses during a special period of distress.

These illustrations bring out only one side of my subject, and that only partially. It is when we come to the proposed measures of relief for the evils which have caught public attention that we reach the real subject which deserves our attention. As soon as A observes something which seems to him to be wrong, from which X is suffering, A talks it over with B, and A and B then propose to get a law passed to remedy the evil and help X. Their law always proposes to determine what C shall do for X or, in the better case, what A, B and C shall do for X. As for A and B, who get a law to make themselves do for X what they are willing to do for him, we have nothing to say except that they might better have done it without any law, but what I want to do is to look up C. I want to show you what manner of man he is. I call him the Forgotten Man. Perhaps the appellation is not strictly correct. He is the man who never is thought of. He is the victim of the reformer, social speculator and philanthropist, and I hope to show you before I get through that he deserves your notice both for his character and for the many burdens which are laid upon him.

No doubt one great reason for the phenomenon which I bring to your attention is the passion for reflection and generalization which marks our period. Since the printing press has come into such wide use, we have all been encouraged to philosophize about things in a way which was unknown to our ancestors. They lived their lives out in positive contact with actual cases as they arose. They had little of this analysis, introspection, reflection and speculation which have passed into a habit and almost into a disease with us. Of all things which tempt to generalization and to philosophizing, social topics stand foremost. Each one of us gets some experience of social forces. Each one has some chance for observation of social phenomena. There is certainly no domain in which generalization is easier. There is nothing about which people dogmatize more freely. Even men of scientific training in some department in which they would not tolerate dogmatism at all will not hesitate to dogmatize in the most reckless manner about social topics. The truth is, however, that science, as yet, has won less control of social phenomena than of any other class of phenomena. The most complex and difficult subject which we now have to study is the constitution of human society, the forces which operate in it, and the laws by which they act. and we know less about these things than about any others which demand our attention. In such a state of things, over-hasty generalization is sure to be extremely mischievous. You cannot take up a magazine or newspaper without being struck by the feverish interest with which social topics and problems are discussed, and if you were a student of social science, you would find in almost all these discussions evidence,not only that the essential preparation for the discussion is wanting, but that the disputants do not even know that there is any preparation to be gained. Consequently we are bewildered by contradictory dogmatizing. We find in all these discussions only the application of pet notions and the clashing of contradictory “views.” Remedies are confidently proposed for which there is no guarantee offered except that the person who prescribes the remedy says that he is sure it will work. We hear constantly of “reform,” and the reformers turn out to be people who do not like things as they are and wish that they could be made nicer. We hear a great many exhortations to make progress from people who do not know in what direction they want to go. Consequently social reform is the most barren and tiresome subject of discussion amongst us, except aesthetics.

I suppose that the first chemists seemed to be very hard-hearted and unpoetical persons when they scouted the glorious dream of the alchemists that there must be some process for turning base metals into gold. I suppose that the men who first said, in plain, cold assertion, there is no fountain of eternal youth, seemed to be the most cruel and coldhearted adversaries of human happiness. I know that the economists who say that if we could transmute lead into gold, it would certainly do us no good and might do great harm, are still regarded as unworthy of belief. Do not the money articles of the newspapers yet ring with the doctrine that we are getting rich when we give cotton and wheat for gold rather than when we give cotton and wheat for iron?

Let us put down now the cold, hard fact and look at it just as it is. There is no device whatever to be invented for securing happiness without industry, economy. and virtue. We are yet in the empirical stage as regards all our social devices. We have done something in science and art in the domain of production, transportation and exchange. But when you come to the laws of the social order, we know very little about them.

Our laws and institutions by which we attempt to regulate our lives under the laws of nature which control society are merely a series of haphazard experiments. We come into collision with the laws and are not intelligent enough to understand wherein we are mistaken and how to correct our errors. We persist in our experiments instead of patiently setting about the study of the laws and facts in order to see where we are wrong. Traditions and formulae have a dominion over us in legislation and social customs which we seem unable to break or even to modify.

For my present purpose I ask your attention for a few moments to the notion of liberty, because the Forgotten Man would no longer be forgotten where there was true liberty. You will say that you know what liberty is. There is no term of more common or prouder use. None is more current, as if it were quite beyond the need of definition. Even as I write, however, I find in a leading review a new definition of civil liberty. Civil liberty the writer declares to be “the result of the restraint exercised by the sovereign people on the more powerful individuals and classes of the community, preventing them from availing themselves of the excess of their power to the detriment of the other classes.” You notice here the use of the words “sovereign people” to designate a class of the population, not the nation as a political and civil whole. Wherever “people” is used in such a sense, there is always fallacy. Furthermore, you will recognize in this definition a very superficial and fallacious construction of English constitutional history. The writer goes on to elaborate that construction and he comes out at last with the conclusion that “a government by the people can, in no case, become a paternal government, since its law-makers are its mandataries and servants carrying out its will, and not its fathers or its masters.” This, then, is the point at which he desires to arrive, and he has followed a familiar device in setting up a definition to start with which would produce the desired deduction at the end.

In the definition the word “people” was used for a class or section of the population. It is now asserted that if that section rules, there can be no paternal, that is. undue, government. That doctrine, however, is the very opposite of liberty and contains the most vicious error possible in politics. The truth is that cupidity, selfishness, envy, malice, lust, vindictiveness, are constant vices of human nature. They are not confined to classes or to nations or particular ages of the world. They present themselves in the palace, in the parliament, in the academy, in the church, in the workshop, and in the hovel. They appear in autocracies, theocracies, aristocracies, democracies, and ochlocracies all alike. They change their masks somewhat from age to age and from one form of society to another. All history is only one long story to this effect: men have struggled for power over their fellow-men in order that they might win the joys of earth at the expense of others and might shift the burdens of life from their own shoulders upon those of others. It is true that, until this time, the proletariat, the mass of mankind, have rarely had the power and they have not made such a record as kings and nobles and priests have made of the abuses they would perpetrate against their fellow-men when they could and dared. But what folly it is to think that vice and passion are limited by classes, that liberty consists only in taking power away from nobles and priests and giving it to artisans and peasants and that these latter will never abuse it! They will abuse it just as all others have done unless they are put under checks and guarantees,and there can be no civil liberty anywhere unless rights are guaranteed against all abuses, as well from proletarians as from generals, aristocrats,and ecclesiastics.

Now what has been amiss in all the old arrangements? The evil of the old military and aristocratic governments was that some men enjoyed the fruits of other men’s labor; that some other persons’ lives, rights, interests and happiness were sacrificed to other persons’ cupidity and lust. What have our ancestors been striving for, under the name of civil liberty, for the last five hundred years? They have been striving to bring it about that each man and woman might live out his or her life according to his or her own notions of happiness and up to the measure of his or her own virtue and wisdom. How have they sought to accomplish this? They have sought to accomplish it by setting aside all arbitrary personal or class elements and introducing the reign of law and the supremacy of constitutional institutions like the jury, the habeas corpus, the independent judiciary, the separation of church and state, and the ballot. Note right here one point which will be important and valuable when I come more especially to the case of the Forgotten Man: whenever you talk of liberty, you must have two men in mind. The sphere of rights of one of these men trenches upon that of the other, and whenever you establish liberty for the one, you repress the other. Whenever absolute sovereigns are subjected to constitutional restraints, you always hear them remonstrate that their liberty is curtailed. So it is, in the sense that their power of determining what shall be done in the state is limited below what it was before and the similar power of other organs in the state is widened. Whenever the privileges of an aristocracy are curtailed, there is heard a similar complaint. The truth is that the line of limit or demarcation between classes as regards civil power has been moved and what has been taken from one class is given to another.

We may now, then, advance a step in our conception of civil liberty. It is the status in which we find the true adjustment of rights between classes and individuals. Historically, the conception of civil liberty has been constantly changing. The notion of rights changes from one generation to another and the conception of civil liberty changes with it. If we try to formulate a true definition of civil liberty as an ideal thing towards which the development of political institutions is all the time tending, it would be this: Civil liberty is the status of the man who is guaranteed by law and civil institutions the exclusive employment of all his own powers for his own welfare.

This definition of liberty or civil liberty, you see, deals only with concrete and actual relations of the civil order. There is some sort of a poetical and metaphysical notion of liberty afloat in men’s minds which some people dream about which nobody can define. In popular language it means that a man may do as he has a mind to. When people get this notion of liberty into their heads and combine with it the notion that they live in a free country and ought to have liberty, they sometimes make strange demands upon the state. If liberty means to be able to do as you have a mind to, there is no such thing in this world. Can the Czar of Russia do as he has a mind to? Can the Pope do as he has a mind to? Can the President of the United States do as he has a mind to? Can Rothschild do as he has a mind to? Could a Humboldt or a Faraday do as he had a mind to? Could a Shakespeare or a Raphael do as he had a mind to? Can a tramp do as he has a mind to? Where is the man, whatever his station, possessions, or talents, who can get any such liberty? There is none. There is a doctrine floating about in our literature that we are born to the inheritance of certain rights. That is another glorious dream, for it would mean that there was something in this world which we got for nothing. But what is the truth? We are born into no right whatever but what has an equivalent and corresponding duty right alongside of it. There is no such thing on this earth as something for nothing. Whatever we inherit of wealth, knowledge, or institutions from the past has been paid for by the labor and sacrifice of preceding generations; and the fact that these gains are carried on, that the race lives and that the race can, at least within some cycle, accumulate its gains, is one of the facts on which civilization rests. The law of the conservation of energy is not simply a law of physics; it is a law of the whole moral universe, and the order and truth of all things conceivable by man depends upon it. If there were any such liberty as that of doing as you have a mind to, the human race would be condemned to everlasting anarchy and wars these erratic wills crossed and clashed against each other. True liberty lies in the equilibrium of rights and duties, producing peace, order, and harmony. As I have defined it, it means that a man’s right to take power and wealth out of the social product is measured by the energy and wisdom which he has contributed to the social effort.

Now if I have set this idea before you with any distinctness and success, you see that civil liberty consists of a set of civil institutions and laws which are arranged to act as impersonally as possible. It does not consist in majority rule or in universal suffrage or in elective systems at all. These are devices which are good or better just in the degree in which they secure liberty. The institutions of civil liberty leave each man to run his career in life in his own way, only guaranteeing to him that whatever he does in the way of industry, economy, prudence, sound judgment, etc., shall redound to his own welfare and shall not be diverted to some one else’s benefit. Of course it is a necessary corollary that each man shall also bear the penalty of his own vices and his own mistakes. If I want to be free from any other man’s dictation, I must understand that I can have no other man under my control.

Now with these definitions and general conceptions in mind, let us turn to the special class of facts to which, as I said at the outset, I invite your attention. We see that under a regime of liberty and equality before that law, we get the highest possible development of independence, self-reliance, individual energy, and enterprise, but we get these high social virtues at the expense of old sentimental ties which used to unite baron and retainer. master and servant, sage and disciple, comrade and comrade. We are agreed that the son shall not be disgraced even by the crime of the father, much less by the crime of a more distant relative. It is a humane and rational view of things that each life shall stand for itself alone and not be weighted by the faults of another, but it is useless to deny that this view of things is possible only in a society where the ties of kinship have lost nearly all the intensity of poetry and romance which once characterized them. The ties of sentiment and sympathy also have faded out. We have come, under the regime of liberty and equality before the law, to a form of society which is based not on status, but on free contract. Now a society based on status is one in which classes, ranks,interests, industries, guilds, associations, etc., hold men in permanent relations to each other. Custom and prescription create, under status, ties, the strength of which lies in sentiment. Feeble remains of this may be seen in some of our academical societies to-day, and it is unquestionably a great privilege and advantage for any man in our society to will an experience of the sentiments which belong to a strong and close association, just because the chances for such experience are nowadays very rare. In a society based on free contract, men come together as free and independent parties to an agreement which is of mutual advantage. The relation is rational, even rationalistic. It is not poetical. It does not exist from use and custom, but for reasons given, and it does not endure by prescription but ceases when the reason for it ceases. There is no sentiment in it at all. The fact is that, under the regime of liberty and equality before the law, there is no place for sentiment in trade or politics as public interests. Sentiment is thrown back into private life, into personal relations, and if ever it comes into a public discussion of an impersonal and general public question it always produces mischief.

Now you know that “the poor and the weak” are continually put forward as objects of public interest and public obligation. In the appeals which are made, the terms “the poor” and “the weak” are used as if they were terms of exact definition. Except the pauper, that is to say, the man who cannot earn his living or pay his way, there is no possible definition of a poor man. Except a man who is incapacitated by vice or by physical infirmity, there is no definition of a weak man. The paupers and the physically incapacitated are an inevitable charge on society. About them no more need be said. But the weak who constantly arouse the pity of humanitarians and philanthropists are the shiftless, the imprudent, the negligent, the impractical, and the inefficient, or they are the idle, the intemperate, the extravagant, and the vicious. Now the troubles of these persons are constantly forced upon public attention, as if they and their interests deserved especial consideration, and a great portion of all organized and unorganized effort for the common welfare consists in attempts to relieve these classes of people. I do not wish to be understood now as saying that nothing ought to be done for these people by those who are stronger and wiser. That is not my point. What I want to do is to point out the thing which is overlooked and the error which is made ill all these charitable efforts. The notion is accepted as if it were not open to any question that if you help the inefficient and vicious you may gain something for society or you may not, but that you lose nothing. This is a complete mistake. Whatever capital you divert to the support of a shiftless and good-for-nothing person is so much diverted from some other employment, and that means from somebody else. I would spend any conceivable amount of zeal and eloquence if I possessed it to try to make people grasp this idea. Capital is force. If it goes one way it cannot go another. If you give a loaf to a pauper you cannot give the same loaf to a laborer. Now this other man who would have got it but for the charitable sentiment which bestowed it on a worthless member of society is the Forgotten Man. The philanthropists and humanitarians have their minds all full of the wretched and miserable whose case appeals to compassion, attacks the sympathies, takes possession of the imagination, and excites the emotions. They push on towards the quickest and easiest remedies and they forget the real victim.

Now who is the Forgotten Man? He is the simple, honest laborer, ready to earn his living by productive work. We pass him by because he is independent, self-supporting, and asks no favors. He does not appeal to the emotions or excite the sentiments. He only wants to make a contract and fulfill it, with respect on both sides and favor on neither side. He must get his living out of the capital of the country. The larger the capital is, the better living he can get. Every particle of capital which is wasted on the vicious, the idle, and the shiftless is so much taken from the capital available to reward the independent and productive laborer. But we stand with our backs to the independent and productive laborer all the time. We do not remember him because he makes no clamor; but I appeal to you whether he is not the man who ought to be remembered first of all, and whether, on any sound social theory, we ought not to protect him against the burdens of the goodfornothing. In these last years I have read hundreds of articles and heard scores of sermons ands peeches which were really glorifications of the good-for-nothing, as if these were the charge of society, recommended by right reason to it scare and protection, We are addressed all the time as if those who are respectable were to blame because some are not so, and as if there were an obligation on the part of those who have done their duty towards those who have not done their duty. Every man is bound to take care of himself and his family and to do his share in the work of society. It is totally false that one who has done so is bound to bear the care and charge of those who are wretched because they have not done so. The silly popular notion is that the beggars live at the expense of the rich, but the truth is that those who eat and produce not, live at the expense of those who labor and produce. The next time that you are tempted to subscribe a dollar to a charity, I do not tell you not to do it, because after you have fairly considered the matter, you may think it right to do it, but I do ask you to stop and remember the Forgotten Man and understand that if you put your dollar in the savings bank it will go to swell the capital of the country which is available for division amongst those who, while they earn it, will reproduce it with increase.

Let us now go on to another class of cases. There are a great many schemes brought forward for “improving the condition of the working classes.” I have shown already that a free man cannot take a favor. One who takes a favor or submits to patronage demeans himself. He falls under obligation. He cannot be free and he cannot assert a station of equality with the man who confers the favor on him. The only exception is where there are exceptional bonds of affection or friendship, that is, where the sentimental relation supersedes the free relation. Therefore, in a country which is a free democracy, all propositions to do something for the working classes have an air of patronage and superiority which is impertinent and out of place. No one can do anything for anybody else unless he has a surplus of energy to dispose of after taking care of himself. In the United States, the working classes, technically so called, are the strongest classes. It is they who have a surplus to dispose of if anybody has. Why should anybody else offer to take care of them or to serve them? They can get whatever they think worth having and, at any rate, if they are free men in a free state, it is ignominious and unbecoming to introduce fashions of patronage and favoritism here. A man who, by superior education and experience of business, is in a position to advise a struggling man of the wages class, is certainly held to do so and will, I believe, always be willing and glad to do so; but this sort of activity lies in the range of private and personal relations.

I now, however, desire to direct attention to the public, general, and impersonal schemes, and I point out the fact that, if you undertake to lift anybody, you must have a fulcrum or point of resistance. All the elevation you give to one must be gained by an equivalent depression on some one else. The question of gain to society depends upon the balance of the account, as regards the position of the persons who undergo the respective operations. But nearly all the schemes for “improving the condition of the working man” involve an elevation of some working men at the expense of other working men. When you expend capital or labor to elevate some persons who come within the sphere of your influence, you interfere in the conditions of the competition. The advantage of some is won by an equivalent loss of others. The difference is not brought about by the energy and effort of the persons themselves. If it were, there would be nothing to be said about it, for we constantly see people surpass others in the rivalry of life and carry off the prizes which the others must do without. In the cases I am discussing, the difference is brought about by an interference which must be partial, arbitrary, accidental, controlled by favortism and personal preference. I do not say, in this case, either, that we ought to do no work of this kind. On the contrary, I believe that the arguments for it quite outweigh, in many cases, the arguments against it. What I desire, again, is to bring out the forgotten element which we always need to remember in order to make a wise decision as to any scheme of this kind. I want to call to mind the Forgotten Man, because, in this case also, if we recall him and go to look for him, we shall find him patiently and perseveringly, manfully and independently struggling against adverse circumstances without complaining or begging. If, then, we are led to heed the groaning and complaining of others and to take measures for helping these others,we shall, before we know it, push down this man who is trying to help himself.

Let us take another class of cases. So far we have said nothing about the abuse of legislation. We all seem to be under the delusion that the rich pay the taxes. Taxes are not thrown upon the consumers with any such directness and completeness as is sometimes assumed; but that, in ordinary states of the market, taxes on houses fall, for the most part, on the tenants and that taxes on commodities fall, for the most part, on the consumers, is beyond question. Now the state and municipality go to great expense to support policemen and sheriffs and judicial officers, to protect people against themselves, that is, against the results of their own folly, vice, and recklessness. Who pays for it? Undoubtedly the people who have not been guilty of folly, vice, or recklessness. Out of nothing conies nothing. We cannot collect taxes from people who produce nothing and save nothing. The people who have something to tax must be those who have produced and saved.

When you see a drunkard in the gutter, you are disgusted, but you pity him. When a policeman comes and picks him up you are satisfied.v You say that “society” has interfered to save the drunkard from perishing. Society is a fine word, and it saves us the trouble of thinking to say that society acts. The truth is that the policeman is paid by somebody,and when we talk about society we forget who it is that pays. It is the Forgotten Man again. It is the industrious workman going home from a hard day’s work, whom you pass without noticing, who is mulcted of a percentage of his day’s earnings to hire a policeman to save the drunkard from himself. All the public expenditure to prevent vice has the same effect. Vice is its own curse. If we let nature alone, she cures vice by the most frightful penalties. It may shock you to hear me say it, but when you get over the shock, it will do you good to think of it: a drunkard in the gutter is just where he ought to be. Nature is working away at him to get him out of the way, just as she sets up her processes of dissolution to remove whatever is a failure in its line. Gambling and less mentionable vices all cure themselves by the ruin and dissolution of their victims. Nine-tenths of our measures for preventing vice are really protective towards it, because they ward off the penalty. “Ward off,” I say, and that is the usual way of looking at it; but is the penalty really annihilated? By no means. It is turned into police and court expenses and spread over those who have resisted vice. It is the Forgotten Man again who has been subjected to the penalty while our minds were full of the drunkards, spendthrifts, gamblers, and other victims of dissipation. Who is, then, the Forgotten Man? He is the clean, quiet, virtuous, domestic citizen, who pays his debts and his taxes and is never heard of out of his little circle. Yet who is there in the society of a civilized state who deserves to be remembered and considered by the legislator and statesman before this man?

Another class of cases is closely connected with this last. There is an apparently invincible prejudice in people’s minds in favor of state regulation. All experience is against state regulation and in favor of liberty. The freer the civil institutions are, the more weak or mischievous state regulation is. The Prussian bureaucracy can do a score of things for the citizen which no governmental organ in the United States can do; and, conversely, if we want to be taken care of as Prussians and Frenchmen are, we must give up something of our personal liberty.

Now we have a great many well-intentioned people among us who believe that they are serving their country when they discuss plans for regulating the relations of employer and employee, or the sanitary regulations of dwellings, or the construction of factories, or the way to behave on Sunday, or what people ought not to eat or drink or smoke. All this is harmless enough and well enough as a basis of mutual encouragement and missionary enterprise, but it is almost always made a basis of legislation. The reformers want to get a majority, that is, to get the power of the state and so to make other people do what the reformers think it right and wise to do. A and B agree to spend Sunday in a certain way. They get a law passed to make C pass it in their way. They determine to be teetotallers and they get a law passed to make C be a teetotaller for the sake of D who is likely to drink too much. Factory acts for women and children are right because women and children are not on an equal footing with men and cannot, therefore, make contracts properly. Adult men, in a free state, must be left to make their own contracts and defend themselves. It will not do to say that some men are weak and unable to make contracts any better than women. Our civil institutions assume that all men are equal in political capacity and all are given equal measure of political power and right, which is not the case with women and children. If, then, we measure political rights by one theory and social responsibilities by another, we produce an immoral and vicious relation. A and B, however, get factory acts and other acts passed regulating the relation of employers and employee and set armies of commissioners and inspectors traveling about to see to things, instead of using their efforts, if any are needed, to lead the free men to make their own conditions as to what kind of factory buildings they will work in, how many hours they will work, what they will do on Sunday and so on. The consequence is that men lose the true education in freedom which is needed to support free institutions. They are taught to rely on government officers and inspectors. The whole system of government inspectors is corrupting to free institutions. In England, the liberals used always to regard state regulation with suspicion, but since they have come to power, they plainly believe that state regulation is a good thing if they regulate because, of course, they want to bring about good things. In this country each party takes turns, according as it is in or out, iii supporting or denouncing the non-interference theory.

Now, if we have state regulation, what is always forgotten is this: Who pays for it? Who is the victim of it? There always is a victim. The work-men who do not defend themselves have to pay for the inspectors who defend them. The whole system of social regulation by boards, commissioners, and inspectors consists in relieving negligent people of the consequences of their negligence and so leaving them to continue negligent without correction. That system also turns away from the agencies which are close, direct, and germane to the purpose, and seeks others. Now, if you relieve negligent people of the consequences of their negligence, you can only throw those consequences on the people who have not been negligent. If you turn away from the agencies which are direct and cognate to the purpose, you can only employ other agencies. Here, then, you have your Forgotten Man again. The man who has been careful and prudent and who wants to go on and reap his advantages for himself and his children is arrested just at that point, and he is told that he must go and take care of some negligent employees in a factory or on a railroad who have not provided precautions for themselves or have not forced their employers to provide precautions, or negligent tenants who have not taken care of their own sanitary arrangements, or negligent householders who have not provided against fire, or negligent parents who have not sent their children to school. If the Forgotten Man does not go, he must hire an inspector to go. No doubt it is often worth his while to go or send, rather than leave the thing undone, on account of his remoter interest; but what I want to show is that all this is unjust to the Forgotten Man, and that the reformers and philosophers miss the point entirely when they preach that it is his duty to do all this work. Let them preach to the negligent to learn to take care of themselves. Whenever A and B put their heads together and decide what A, B and C must do for D, there is never any pressure on A and B. They consent to it and like it. There is rarely any pressure on D because he does not like it and contrives to evade it. The pressure all comes on C. Now, who is C? He is always the man who, if let alone, would make a reasonable use of his liberty without abusing it. He would not constitute any social problem at all and would not need any regulation. He is the Forgotten Man again, and as soon as he is brought from his obscurity you see that he is just that one amongst us who is what we all ought to be.

Let us look at another case. I read again and again arguments to prove that criminals have claims and rights against society. Not long ago, I read an account of an expensive establishment for the reformation of criminals, and I am told that we ought to reform criminals, not merely punish them vindictively. When I was a young man, I read a great many novels by Eugene Sue, Victor Hugo, and other Frenchmen of the school of ’48, in which the badness of a bad man is represented, not as his fault, but as the fault of society. Now, as society consists of the bad men plus the good men, and as the object of this declaration was to show that the badness of the bad men was not the fault of the bad men, it remains that the badness of the bad men must be the fault of the good men. No doubt,it is far more consoling to the bad men than even to their friends to reach the point of this demonstration.

Let us ask, now, for a moment, what is the sense of punishment, since a good many people seem to be quite in a muddle about it. Every man in society is bound in nature and reason to contribute to the strength and welfare of society. He ought to work, to be peaceful, honest, just, and virtuous. A criminal is a man who, instead of working with and for society, turns his efforts against the common welfare in some way or other. He disturbs order, violates harmony, invades the security and happiness of others, wastes and destroys capital. If he is put to death, it is on the ground that he has forfeited all right to existence in society by the magnitude of his offenses against its welfare. If he is imprisoned, it is simply a judgment of society upon him that he is so mischievous to the society that he must be segregated from it. His punishment is a warning to him to reform himself, just exactly like the penalties inflicted by God and nature on vice. A man who has committed crime is, therefore, a burden on society and an injury to it. He is a destructive and not a productive force and everybody is worse off for his existence than if he did not exist. Whence, then, does he obtain a right to be taught or reformed at the public expense? The whole question of what to do with him is one of expediency, and it embraces the whole range of possible policies from that of execution to that of education and reformation, but when the expediency of reformatory attempts is discussed we always forget the labor and expense and who must pay. All that the state does for the criminal, beyond forcing him to earn his living, is done at the expense of the industrious member of society who never costs the state anything for correction and discipline. If a man who has gone astray can be reclaimed in any way, no one would hinder such a work, but people whose minds are full of sympathy and interest for criminals and who desire to adopt some systematic plans of reformatory efforts are only,once more, trampling on the Forgotten Man.

Let us look at another case. If there is a public office to be filled, of course a great number of persons come forward as candidates for it. Many of these persons are urged as candidates on the ground that they are badly off, or that they cannot support themselves, or that they want to earn a living while educating themselves, or that they have female relatives dependent on them, or for some other reason of a similar kind. In other cases, candidates are presented and urged on the ground of their kinship to somebody, or on account of service, it may be meritorious service, in some other line than that of the duty to be performed. Men are proposed for clerkships on the ground of service in the army twenty years ago, or for customhouse inspectors on the ground of public services in the organization of political parties. If public positions are granted on these grounds of sentiment or favoritism, the abuse is to be condemned on the ground of the harm done to the public interest; but I now desire to point out another thing which is constantly forgotten. If you give a position to A, you cannot give it to B. If A is an object of sentiment or favoritism and not a person fit and competent to fulfill the duty, who is B? He is somebody who has nothing but merit on his side, somebody who has no powerful friends, no political influence, some quiet, unobtrusive individual who has known no other way to secure the chances of life than simply to deserve them. Here we have the Forgotten Man again, and once again we find him worthy of all respect and consideration, but passed by in favor of the noisy, pushing, and incompetent. Who ever remembers that if you give a place to a man who is unfit for it you are keeping out of it somebody, somewhere, who is fit for it?

Let us take another case. A trades-union is an association of journeymen in a certain trade which has for one of its chief objects to raise wages in that trade. This object can be accomplished only by drawing more capital into the trade, or by lessening the supply of labor in it. To do the latter, the trades-unions limit the number of apprentices who may be admitted to the trade. In discussing this device, people generally fix their minds on the beneficiaries of this arrangement. It is desired by everybody that wages should be as high as they can be under the conditions of industry. Our minds are directed by the facts of the case to the men who are in the trade already and are seeking their own advantage. Sometimes people go on to notice the effects of trades-unionism on the employers, but although employers are constantly vexed by it, it is seen that they soon count it into the risks of their business and settle down to it philosophically. Sometimes people go further then and see that, if the employer adds the trades-union and strike risk to the other risks, he submits to it because he has passed it along upon the public and that the public wealth is diminished by trades-unionism, which is undoubtedly the case. I do not remember, however, that I have ever seen in print any analysis and observation of trades-unionism which takes into account its effect in another direction. The effect on employers or on the public would not raise wages. The public pays more for houses and goods, but that does not raise wages. The surplus paid by the public is pure loss, because it is only paid to cover an extra business risk of the employer. If their trades-unions raise wages, how do they do it? They do it by lessening the supply of labor in the trade, and this they do by limiting the number of apprentices. All that is won, therefore, for those in the trade, is won at the expense of those persons in the same class in life who want to get into the trade but are forbidden. Like every other monopoly, this one secures advantages for those who are in only at a greater loss to those who are kept out. Who, then, are those who are kept out and who are always forgotten in all the discussions? They are the Forgotten Men again; and what kind of men are they? They are those young men who want to earn their living by the trade in question. Since they select it, it is fair to suppose that they are fit for it, would succeed at it, and would benefit society by practicing it; but they are arbitrarily excluded from it and are perhaps pushed down into the class of unskilled laborers. When people talk of the success of a trades-union in raising wages, they forget these persons who have really, in a sense, paid the increase.

Let me now turn your attention to another class of cases. I have shown how, in times past, the history of states has been a history of selfishness, cupidity, and robbery, and I have affirmed that now and always the problems of government are how to deal with these same vices of human nature. People are always prone to believe that there is something metaphysical and sentimental about civil affairs, but there is not. Civil institutions are constructed to protect, either directly or indirectly, the property of men and the honor of women against the vices and passions of human nature. In our day and country, the problem presents new phases, but it is there just the same as it ever was, and the problem is only the more difficult for us because of its new phase which prevents us from recognizing it. In fact, our people are raving and struggling against it in a kind of blind way, not yet having come to recognize it. More than half of their blows, at present, are misdirected and fail of their object, but they will be aimed better by and by. There is a great deal of clamor about watering stocks and the power of combined capital, which is not very intelligent or well-directed. The evil and abuse which people are groping after in all these denunciations is jobbery.

By jobbery I mean the constantly apparent effort to win wealth, not by honest and independent production, but by some sort of a scheme for extorting other people’s product from them. A large part of our legislation consists in making a job for somebody. Public buildings are jobs,not always, but in most cases. The buildings are not needed at all or are costly far beyond what is useful or even decently luxurious. Internal improvements are jobs. They are carried out, not because they are needed in themselves, but because they will serve the turn of some private interest, often incidentally that of the very legislators who pass the appropriations for them. A man who wants a farm, instead of going out where there is plenty of land available for it, goes down under the Mississippi River to make a farm, and then wants his fellow-citizens to be taxed to dyke the river so as to keep it off his farm. The Californian hydraulic miners have washed the gold out of the hillsides and have washed the dirt down into the valleys to the ruin of the rivers and the farms. They want the federal government to remove this dirt at the national expense. The silver miners, finding that their product is losing value in the market, get the government to go into the market as a great buyer in the hope of sustaining the price. The national government is called upon to buy or hire unsailable ships; to dig canals which will not pay; to educate illiterates in the states which have not done their duty at the expense of the states which have done their duty as to education; to buy up telegraphs which no longer pay; and to provide the capital for enterprises of which private individuals are to win the profits. We are called upon to squander twenty millions on swamps and creeks; from twenty to sixty-six millions on the Mississippi River; one hundred millions in pensions–and there is now a demand for another hundred million beyond that. This is the great plan of all living on each other. The pensions in England used to be given to aristocrats who had political power, in order to corrupt them. Here the pensions are given to the great democratic mass who have the political power, in order to corrupt them. We have one hundred thousand federal office-holders and I do not know how many state and municipal office-holders. Of course public officers are necessary and it is an economical organization of society to set apart some of its members for civil functions, but if the number of persons drawn from production and supported by the producers while engaged in civil functions is in undue proportion to the total population, there is economic loss. If public offices are treated as spoils or benefices or sinecures, then they are jobs and only constitute part of the pillage.

The biggest job of all is a protective tariff. This device consists in delivering every man over to be plundered by his neighbor and in teaching him to believe that it is a good thing for him and his country because he may take his turn at plundering the rest. Mr. Kelley said that if the internal revenue taxes on whisky and tobacco, which are paid to the United States government, were not taken off, there would be a rebellion. Just then it was discovered that Sumatra tobacco was being imported, and the Connecticut tobacco men hastened to Congress to get a tax laid on it for their advantage. So it appears that if a tax is laid on tobacco, to be paid to the United States, there will be a rebellion, but if a tax is laid on it to be paid to the farmers of the Connecticut Valley, there will be no rebellion at all. The tobacco farmers having been taxed for protected manufacturers are now to be taken into the system, and the workmen in the factories are to be taxed on their tobacco to protect the farmers.So the system is rendered more complete and comprehensive.

On every hand you find this jobbery. The government is to give every man a pension, and every man an office, and every man a tax to raise the price of his product, and to clean out every man’s creek for him, and to buy all his unsalable property, and to provide him with plenty of currency to pay his debts, and to educate his children, and to give him the use of a library and a park and a museum and a gallery of pictures. On every side the doors of waste and extravagance stand open; and spend, squander, plunder, and grab are the watchwords. We grumble some about it and talk about the greed of corporations and the power of capital and the wickedness of stock gambling. Yet we elect the legislators who do all this work. Of course, we should never think of blaming ourselves for electing men to represent and govern us, who, if I may use a slang expression, give us away. What man ever blamed himself for his misfortune? We groan about monopolies and talk about more laws to prevent the wrongs done by chartered corporations. Who made the charters? Our representatives. Who elected such representatives? We did. How can we get bad law-makers to make a law which shall prevent bad law-makers from making a bad law? That is, really, what we are trying to do. If we are a free, self-governing people, all our misfortunes come right home to ourselves and we can blame nobody else. Is any one astonished to find that men are greedy, whether they are incorporated or not? Is it a revelation to find that we need, in our civil affairs, to devise guarantees against selfishness, rapacity, and fraud? I have ventured to affirm that government has never had to deal with anything else.

Now, I have said that this jobbery means waste, plunder, and loss, and I define it at the outset as the system of making a chance to extort part of his product from somebody else. Now comes the question: Who pays for it all? The system of plundering each other soon destroys all that it deals with. It produces nothing. Wealth comes only from production, and all that the wrangling grabbers, loafers, and jobbers get to deal with comes from somebody’s toil and sacrifice. Who, then, is he who provides it all? Go and find him and you will have once more before you the Forgotten Man. You will find him hard at work because he has a great many to support. Nature has done a great deal for him in giving him a fertile soil and an excellent climate and he wonders why it is that, after all, his scale of comfort is so moderate. He has to get out of the soil enough to pay all his taxes, and that means the cost of all the jobs and the fund for all the plunder. The Forgotten Man is delving away in patient industry, supporting his family, paying his taxes, casting his vote, supporting the church and the school, reading his newspaper, and cheering for the politician of his admiration, but he is the only one for whom there is no provision in the great scramble and the big divide.

Such is the Forgotten Man. He works, he votes, generally he prays– but he always pays–yes, above all, he pays. He does not want an office; his name never gets into the newspaper except when he gets married or dies. He keeps production going on. He contributes to the strength of parties. He is flattered before election. He is strongly patriotic. He is wanted, whenever, in his little circle, there is work to be done or counsel to be given. He may grumble some occasionally to his wife and family, but he does not frequent the grocery or talk politics at the tavern. Consequently, he is forgotten. He is a commonplace man. He gives no trouble. He excites no admiration. He is not in any way a hero (like a popular orator); or a problem (like tramps and outcasts); nor notorious (like criminals); nor an object of sentiment (like the poor and weak); nor a burden (like paupers and loafers); nor an object out of which social capital may be made (like the beneficiaries of church and state charities); nor an object for charitable aid and protection (like animals treated with cruelty); nor the object of a job (like the ignorant and illiterate); nor one over whom sentimental economists and statesmen can parade their fine sentiments (like inefficient workmen and shiftless artisans). Therefore, he is forgotten. All the burdens fall on him, or on her, for it is time to remember that the Forgotten Man is not seldom a woman.

When you go to Willimantic, they will show you with great pride the splendid thread mills there. I am told that there are sewing-women who can earn only fifty cents in twelve hours, and provide the thread. In the cost of every spool of thread more than one cent is tax. It is paid not to get the thread, for you could get the thread without it. It is paid to get the Willimantic linen company which is not worth having and which is, in fact, a nuisance, because it makes thread harder to get than it would be if there were no such concern. If a woman earns fifty cents in twelve hours, she earns a spool of thread as nearly as may be in an hour, and if she uses a spool of thread per day, she works a quarter of an hour per day to support the Willimantic linen company, which in 1882 paid 95 per cent dividend to its stockholders. If you go and look at the mill, it will captivate your imagination until you remember all the women in all the garrets, and all the artisans’ and laborers’ wives and children who are spending their hours of labor, not to get goods which they need, but to pay for the industrial system which only stands in their way and makes it harder for them to get the goods.

It is plain enough that the Forgotten Man and the Forgotten Woman are the very life and substance of society. They are the ones who ought to be first and always remembered. They are always forgotten by sentimentalists, philanthropists, reformers, enthusiasts, and every description of speculator in sociology, political economy, or political science. If a student of any of these sciences ever comes to understand the position of the Forgotten Man and to appreciate his true value, you will find such student an uncompromising advocate of the strictest scientific thinking on all social topics, and a cold and hard-hearted skeptic towards all artificial schemes of social amelioration. If it is desired to bring about social improvements bring us a scheme for relieving the Forgotten Man of some of his burdens. He is our productive force which we are wasting. Let us stop wasting his force. Then we shall have a clean and simple gain for the whole society. The Forgotten Man is weighted down with the cost and burden of the schemes for making everybody happy, with the cost of public beneficence, with the support of all the loafers, with the loss of all the economic quackery, with the cost of all the jobs. Let us remember him a little while. Let us take some of the burdens off him. Let us tun our pity on him instead of on the goodfornothing. It will be only justice to him, and society will greatly gain by it. Why should we not also have the satisfaction of thinking and caring for a little about the clean, honest, industrious, independent, self-supporting men and women who have not inherited much to make life luxurious for them, but who are doing what they can to get on in the world without begging from anybody, especially since all they want is to be let alone, with good friendship and honest respect, Certainly the philanthropists and Sentimentalists have kept our attention for a longtime on the nasty, shiftless, criminal, whining, crawling, and good for nothing people, as if they alone deserved our attention.

The Forgotten Man is never a pauper. He almost always has a little capital because it belongs to the character of the man to save something. He never has more than a little. He is, therefore, poor in the popular sense, although in the correct sense he is not so. I have said already that if you learn to look for the Forgotten Man and to care for him, you will be very skeptical toward all philanthropic and humanitarian schemes. It is clear now that the interest of the Forgotten Man and the interest of “the poor,” “the weak,” and the other petted classes are in antagonism, In fact, the warning to you to look for the Forgotten Man comes the minute that the orator or writer begins to talk about the poor man. That minute the Forgotten Man is in danger of a new assault, and if you intend to meddle in the matter at all, then is the minute for you to look about for him and to give him your aid. Hence, if you care for the Forgotten Man, you will be sure to be charged with not caring for the poor. Whatever you do for any of the petted classes wastes capital. If you do anything for the Forgotten Man, you must secure him his earnings and savings, that is, you legislate for the security of capital and for its free employment; you must oppose paper money, wildcat banking and usury laws and you must maintain the inviolability of contracts. Hence you must be prepared to be told that you favor the capitalist class, the enemy of the poor man.

What the Forgotten Man really wants is true liberty. Most of his wrongs and woes come from the fact that there are yet mixed together in our institutions the old mediaeval theories of protection and personal dependence and the modern theories of independence and individual liberty. The consequence is that the people who are clever enough to get into positions of control, measure their own rights by the paternal theory and their own duties by the theory of independent liberty. It follows that the Forgotten Man, who is hard at work at home, has to pay both ways. His rights are measured by the theory of liberty, that is, he has only such as he can conquer. His duties are measured by the paternal theory, that is, he must discharge all which are laid upon him, as is always the fortune of parents. People talk about the paternal theory of government as if it were a very simple thing. Analyze it, however, and you see that in every paternal relation there must be two parties, a parent and a child, and when you speak metaphorically, it makes all the difference in the world who is parent and who is child. Now, since we, the people, are the state, whenever there is any work to be done or expense to be paid, and since the petted classes and the criminals and the jobbers cost and do not pay, it is they who are in the position of the child, and it is the Forgotten Man who is the parent. What the Forgotten Man needs, therefore, is that we come to a clearer understanding of liberty and to a more complete realization of it. Every step which we win in liberty will set the Forgotten Man free from some of his burdens and allow him to use his powers for himself and for the commonwealth.

http://www.swarthmore.edu/SocSci/rbannis1/AIH19th/Sumner.Forgotten.html

The Real William Graham Sumner 

by Jeff Riggenbach

 

 

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The Pronk Pops Show 247, April 21, 2014, Story 1: Why American People Do Not Trust The Washington Ruling Elite? Boehner says he’s ‘hell-bent’ on passing immigration legislation this year — Go To Hell Boehner and Republican Party — American People Want Immgiration Law Enforcement Not Comprehensive Immigration Reform — Deport The 40 Million Plus Illegal Aliens or Undocumented Democrats Now! — Videos

Posted on April 21, 2014. Filed under: American History, Banking System, Blogroll, Budgetary Policy, Climate Change, Communications, Constitutional Law, Crime, Culture, Drugs, Economics, Education, Employment, Federal Government, Fiscal Policy, Food, Foreign Policy, Government, History, Labor Economics, Law, Media, Monetary Policy, Politics, Regulation, Tax Policy, Terrorism, Unemployment | Tags: , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , |

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Pronk Pops Show 247: April 21, 2014

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Story 1: Why American People Do Not Trust The Washington Ruling Elite? Boehner says he’s ‘hell-bent’ on passing immigration legislation this year — Go To Hell Boehner and Republican Party — American People Want Immigration Law Enforcement Not Comprehensive Immigration Reform — Deport The 40 Million Plus Illegal Aliens or Undocumented Democrats Now! — Videos

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chart_immigration_into_us_1820_2010

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How Many Illegal Aliens Are in the US?  – Walsh – 2

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PEW More Illegal Aliens Corossing Boder To Find Jobs The Real Story W Gretchen Carlson

 

 

 

Boehner says he’s ‘hell-bent’ on passing immigration legislation this year

April 17, 2014: Suspected illegal immigrants being detained by U.S. Border Patrol agents, in McAllen, Texas.AP
House Speaker John Boehner and his Republican leadership team are telling donors and industry groups that they want to pass immigration legislation this year, despite the reluctance of other party members to tackle the divisive issue before the November elections.

Many lawmakers and activists have assumed the issue was off the table in an election year. But Boehner, R-Ohio, said at a recent Las Vegas fundraiser that he was “hell-bent on getting this done this year,” two people in the room told The Wall Street Journal.

A Boehner spokesman didn’t dispute the account but said no action is possible until President Obama proves himself a trustworthy partner to Republicans.

The news follows House Majority Leader Eric Cantor saying Wednesday after talking to Obama that the GOP-led chamber will not pass the immigration legislation passed this past summer by the Democrat-controlled Senate that includes a path to citizenship for millions of people living illegally in the United States. Critics of the plan say it is tantamount to amnesty.

In addition, Rep. Bob Goodlatte, R-Va., chairman of the House Judiciary Committee, said during a recent trip to Silicon Valley that action in 2014 was “entirely possible,” likely in the form of votes this summer on five to seven immigration bills, Carl Guardino, chief executive of the Silicon Valley Leadership Group, who hosted his visit, told the newspaper.

A Goodlatte spokeswoman declined to comment on the exchange.

And Rep. Mario Diaz-Balart, R-Fla., also is drafting legislation that would give qualifying undocumented immigrants legal status and the chance to apply for citizenship through existing channels. The bill includes border-security measures and an effort to clear the backlog of applications for permanent legal status, known as green cards.

House leaders have told Mr. Diaz-Balart to have the legislation ready to go for possible debate in June or July, an aide said.

http://www.foxnews.com/politics/2014/04/19/report-boehner-says-hell-bent-on-passing-immigration-legislation-this-year/

 

Mark Zuckerberg group’s attack on Steve King sends message to GOP immigration reform foes

Why would Mark Zuckerberg, the Facebook billionaire born and raised in New York, educated in Massachusetts, and now based in California, have any particular interest in the politics of Iowa’s rural 4th Congressional District? Because the area is home to Republican Rep. Steve King, one of the most vocal, and certainly controversial, opponents of the immigration reform bill Zuckerberg and fellow Silicon Valley moguls want to pass.

Zuckerberg’s pro-reform group, FWD.us, has produced an ad attacking King for his opposition to the ENLIST Act, a measure that would allow some illegal immigrants to win legal status by joining the U.S. military. “As soon as they raise their hand and say ‘I’m unlawfully present in the United States,’ we’re not going to take your oath into the military, but we’re going to take your deposition and we have a bus for you to Tijuana,” King told Breitbart News this month.

The FWD.us ad, which will run in Iowa, says: “Instead of supporting our military, Steve King, a Republican member of Congress, insults the brave soldiers who are immigrants and those who would proudly serve. Instead of supporting immigrants who want to serve, he’d deport them. Steve King’s attacks on American soldiers and the military is [sic] wrong.”

King is in a safe, conservative, Republican district and is expected to win re-election easily this year. The ad is unlikely to do him much harm at home. And National Journal reports that, “Although FWD.us is going hard after King, the organization doesn’t have plans to utilize similar messaging against other elected officials.”

So why air the ad at all? As a warning to other lawmakers who would oppose FWD.us. “This sends a message,” says a GOP Hill aide who opposes Gang of Eight-style reform. “Do you want this headache? Do you want this amount of trouble?” A lawmaker who gets on the wrong side of the FWD.us billionaires might find himself or herself receiving the King treatment. “They’re trying to push a group of Republicans out of the party,” the aide says, “and, in a left-wing way, if they can’t beat them, then try to delegitimize them.”

 

http://washingtonexaminer.com/zuckerberg-groups-attack-on-steve-king-sends-message-to-gop-immigration-reform-foes/article/2547464

Republicans to the Rescue?

Thomas Sowell | Feb 04, 2014

Some supporters of President Obama may be worried about how he and the Democrats are going to fare politically, as the problems of ObamaCare continue to escalate, and it looks like the Republicans have a chance to win a majority in the Senate.

But Democrats may not need to worry so much. Republicans may once again come to the rescue of the Democrats, by discrediting themselves and snatching defeat from the very jaws of victory.

The latest bright idea among Republicans inside the Beltway is a new version of amnesty that is virtually certain to lose votes among the Republican base and is unlikely to gain many votes among the Hispanics that the Republican leadership is courting.

One of the enduring political mysteries is how the Republicans can be so successful in winning governorships and control of state legislatures, while failing to make much headway in Washington. Maybe there are just too many clever GOP consultants inside the Beltway.

When it comes to national elections, just what principles do the Republicans stand for? It is hard to think of any, other than their hoping to win elections by converting themselves into Democrats lite. But voters who want what the Democrats offer can vote for the real thing, rather than Johnny-come-lately imitations.

Listening to discussions of immigration laws and proposals to reform them is like listening to something out of “Alice in Wonderland.”

Immigration laws are the only laws that are discussed in terms of how to help people who break them. One of the big problems that those who are pushing “comprehensive immigration reform” want solved is how to help people who came here illegally and are now “living in the shadows” as a result.

What about embezzlers or burglars who are “living in the shadows” in fear that someone will discover their crimes? Why not “reform” the laws against embezzlement or burglary, so that such people can also come out of the shadows?

Almost everyone seems to think that we need to solve the problem of the children of illegal immigrants, because these children are here “through no fault of their own.” Do people who say that have any idea how many millions of children are living in dire poverty in India, Africa or other places “through no fault of their own,” and would be better off living in the United States?

Do all children have some inherent right to live in America if they have done nothing wrong? If not, then why should the children of illegal immigrants have such a right?

More fundamentally, why do the American people not have a right to the protection that immigration laws provide people in other countries around the world — including Mexico, where illegal immigrants from other countries get no such special treatment as Mexico and its American supporters are demanding for illegal immigrants in the United States?

The very phrase “comprehensive” immigration reform is part of the bad faith that has surrounded immigration issues for decades. What “comprehensive” reform means is that border control and amnesty should be voted on together in Congress.

Why? Because that would be politically convenient for members of Congress, who like to be on both sides of issues, so as to minimize the backlash from the voting public. But what “comprehensive” immigration reform has always meant in practice is amnesty up front and a promise to control the border later — promises that have never been kept.

The new Republican proposal is to have some border control criteria whose fulfillment will automatically serve as a “trigger” to let the legalizing of illegal immigrants proceed. But why set up some automatic triggering device to signal that the borders are secure, when the Obama administration is virtually guaranteed to game the system, so that amnesty can proceed?

What in the world is wrong with Congress taking up border security first, as a separate issue, and later taking responsibility in a Congressional vote on whether the border has become secure? Congress at least should come out of the shadows.

The Republican plan for granting legalization up front, while withholding citizenship, is too clever by half. It is like saying that you can slide halfway down a slippery slope.

Republicans may yet rescue the Democrats, while demoralizing their own supporters and utterly failing the country.

http://townhall.com/columnists/thomassowell/2014/02/04/republicans-to-the-rescue-n1788940/page/full

 

Study: Number Of Illegal Immigrants Living In US Rises To 11.7 Million

A recent study conducted by the Pew Research Center in Washington, D.C. has found that a previously observed decline in the number of unauthorized immigrants in the nation has seemingly reversed itself.

release posted by experts by the center stated that approximately 11.7 million illegal immigrants were residing in the United States as of March 2012, a figure that indicates an increase from the 11.5 million that lived in America in 2011, and the 11.3 million that took up residence in the country in 2010.

Researchers involved in the study said the figure still fell short of its peak in 2007, but also reinforced that the figures are estimates at best.

“The estimated number of unauthorized immigrants peaked at 12.2 million in 2007 and fell to 11.3 million in 2009, breaking a rising trend that had held for decades,” the release noted. “Although there are indications the number of unauthorized immigrants may be rising, the 2012 population estimate is the midpoint of a wide range of possible values and in a statistical sense is no different from the 2009 estimate.”

Pew said that among the six states with the largest numbers of immigrants here illegally, only Texas had a consistent increase in illegal immigration from 2007 to 2011, due in part to its stronger economy. Its number was unchanged from 2011 to 2012. Two states — Florida and New Jersey — had an initial drop but then increases during the same 2007-2011 period. Three states — California, Illinois and New York — showed only declines.

“As a whole, with the recession ending, the decrease in illegal immigration has stopped,” said Jeffrey Passel, a senior demographer at Pew.

Passel noted that historically the level of illegal immigration has been closely tied to the strength of the U.S. economy and availability of jobs. Since 2009, the average U.S. unemployment rate has dropped from 9.3 percent to 8.1 percent last year, with signs of strength in the construction industry, which yields jobs generally attractive to newly arrived Latino immigrants.

The Pew analysis is based on census data through March 2012. Because the Census Bureau does not ask people about their immigration status, the estimate on illegal immigrants is derived largely by subtracting the estimated legal immigrant population from the total foreign-born population. It is a method that has been used by the government and Pew for many years and is generally accepted.

Analysts said it was hard to predict whether immigrants in the country illegally could eventually exceed the record total of 12.2 million in 2007. Continued modest increases are possible, but another big surge like the one seen in the late 1990s and early 2000s isn’t likely, due in part to demographic factors such as Mexico’s aging workforce.

“Labor demand in the U.S. is still slack and wages are eroding, whereas there are jobs in Mexico and wages are slowly rising as labor force growth there decelerates,” said Douglas Massey, a professor of sociology and public affairs at Princeton University who is co-director of the Mexican Migration Project. “The pressures for mass migration are diminishing for now, but who knows what kind of disasters lie ahead?”

Analyses of census data from the U.S. and Mexican governments show that the number of immigrants here illegally peaked at 12.2 million in 2007, during the U.S. housing boom, and before the recession hit. It then dropped roughly 7 percent to 11.3 million in 2009, the first two-year decline in two decades, due to the weak U.S. economy which shrank construction and service-sector jobs. Much of the decline came as many Mexican workers who already were here saw diminishing job opportunities and returned home.

Since then, the U.S. economy has shown some improvement, while public opinion regarding immigrants has shifted in some cases in favor of granting legal rights. For instance, some state legislatures this year have passed immigrant-friendly measures such as college tuition breaks and rights to driver’s licenses, even as others enacted laws aimed at tightening the system.

The latest numbers on illegal immigration come as prospects for passage of a comprehensive U.S. immigration bill appear dim. A bill passed by the Democratic-controlled Senate and backed by the White House includes billions for border security as well as a 13-year path to citizenship for the 11 million immigrants already here illegally.

But most House Republicans have rejected this comprehensive approach, and the House Judiciary Committee has moved forward with individual, single-issue immigration bills that could come to the floor sometime later this year or next. It’s unclear whether the GOP-dominated House will ever pass legislation that could form the basis for a final deal with the Democratic-controlled Senate.

Steve A. Camarota, director of research at the Center for Immigration Studies, a Washington group that advocates tighter immigration policies, said the immigration issue will be tough to resolve.

“The numbers remind us the problem of illegal immigration isn’t going away anytime soon,” he said, “unless we take steps to enforce the laws or have legalization of those here illegally.”

http://washington.cbslocal.com/2013/09/25/study-number-of-illegal-immigrants-living-in-us-rises-to-11-7-million/

 

Jobs Americans Won’t Do? A Detailed Look at Immigrant Employment by Occupation

Click here to download a pdf version of this Memoramdum


Steven A. Camarota is the Director of Research and Karen Jensenius is a demographer at the Center for Immigration Studies.


 


This analysis tests the often-made argument that immigrants only do jobs Americans don’t want. If the argument is correct, there should be occupations comprised entirely or almost entirely of immigrants. But Census Bureau data collected from 2005 to 2007, which allow for very detailed analysis, show that even before the recession there were only a tiny number of majority-immigrant occupations. (Click here to see detailed table.)

Among the findings:

  • Of the 465 civilian occupations, only four are majority immigrant. These four occupations account for less than 1 percent of the total U.S. workforce. Moreover, native-born Americans comprise 47 percent of workers in these occupations.
  • Many jobs often thought to be overwhelmingly immigrant are in fact majority native-born:
      • Maids and housekeepers: 55 percent native-born
      • Taxi drivers and chauffeurs: 58 percent native-born
      • Butchers and meat processors: 63 percent native-born
      • Grounds maintenance workers: 65 percent native-born
      • Construction laborers: 65 percent native-born
      • Porters, bellhops, and concierges: 71 percent native-born
      • Janitors: 75 percent native-born
  • There are 93 occupations in which 20 percent or more of workers are immigrants. These high-immigrant occupations are primarily, but not exclusively, lower-wage jobs that require relatively little formal education.
  • There are 23.6 million natives in these high-immigrant occupations (20 percent or more immigrant). These occupations include 19 percent of all native workers.
  • Most natives do not face significant job competition from immigrants; however, those who do tend to be less-educated and poorer than those who face relatively little competition from immigrants.
  • In high-immigrant occupations, 57 percent of natives have no more than a high school education. In occupations that are less than 20 percent immigrant, 35 percent of natives have no more than a high school education. And in occupations that are less than 10 percent immigrant, only 26 percent of natives have no more than a high school education.
  • In high-immigrant occupations the average wages and salary for natives is one-fourth lower than in occupations that are less than 20 percent immigrant.
  • Some may believe that natives in high-immigrant occupations are older and that few young natives are willing to do that kind of work. But 33 percent of natives in these occupations are age 30 or younger. In occupations that are less than 20 percent immigrant, 28 percent of natives are 30 or younger.
  • It is worth remembering that not all high-immigrant occupations are lower-skilled and lower-wage. For example, 44 percent of medical scientists are immigrants, as are 34 percent of software engineers, 27 percent of physicians, and 25 percent of chemists.
  • It is also worth noting that a number of politically important groups tend to face very little job competition from immigrants. For example, just 10 percent of reporters are immigrants, as are only 6 percent of lawyers and judges and 3 percent of farmers and ranchers.

Methodology

The data for this analysis are from the public-use file of the combined three-year sample of the American Community Survey (ACS) for 2005 through 2007. This is the first public-use three-year file to be released by the Census Bureau. The public-use file of the ACS is enormous, allowing for detailed analysis by occupation. The sample includes 4.4 million individuals in the civilian non-institutionalized labor force, about 560,000 of whom are immigrants. Persons in the labor force are either working or looking for work. Like almost all the labor force statistics reported by the government, we confine our analysis to civilians 16 years of age and older not in institutions.1 The immigrant population, which can also be referred to as the foreign-born, is defined as persons living in the United States who were not U.S. citizens at birth. In the ACS this includes people who responded to the survey who are naturalized American citizens, legal permanent residents (green card holders), illegal aliens, and people on long-term temporary visas such as students or guest workers. It does not include those born abroad of American parents or those born in outlying territories of the United States, such as Puerto Rico. Prior research indicates that some 90 percent of illegal immigrants respond to the ACS.2

Discussion

The American economy is dynamic, and it would be a mistake to think that every job taken by an immigrant is a job lost by a native. Many factors impact employment and wages. But it would also be a mistake to assume that dramatically increasing the number of workers in these occupations as a result of immigration policy has no impact on the employment prospects or wages of natives. The data presented here make clear that the often-made argument that immigrants only take jobs Americans don’t want is simply wrong. To talk about the labor market as if there were jobs done entirely or almost entirely by immigrants is not helpful to understanding the potential impact of immigration on American workers. It gives the false impression that the job market is segmented between jobs that are done almost exclusively by immigrants and jobs that are exclusively native. This is clearly not the case.

This analysis focuses on the nation as a whole; the immigrant shares of occupations will vary significantly at the state and local level. But Americans move around the country a great deal. The 2007 ACS showed that about 38 percent of adult natives live outside the state in which they were born. We live in a national economy in which workers can and do move to higher-wage (relative to cost of living) and lower-unemployment areas over time. If immigration levels were lower and a shortage of workers did develop in one part of the country, higher wages and lower unemployment would, over time, tend to induce Americans to move to these areas. Thus in the long term it makes sense to think of the economy as national in scope.3


End Notes

1 Those who are institutionalized live under formally authorized supervision or care such as those in correctional institutions and nursing homes. Since our focus is occupations we also exclude from our analysis the relatively small number of people who did not provide an occupation.

2 The Department of Homeland Security estimates a 10 percent undercount of illegal aliens in Census Bureau data. See Table 2 in Estimates of the Unauthorized Immigrant Population Residing in the United States: January 2007 athttp://www.dhs.gov/xlibrary/assets/statistics/publications/ois_ill_pe_20…. DHS estimates of the illegal population are based on the ACS with the assumption that 10 percent of illegal immigrants are missed by the survey.

3 In its 1997 study of immigration’s impact on the labor market, the National Research Council concluded that the effects of immigration are likely to be national in scope and not simply confined to high-immigrant areas of the country. See James P. Smith and Barry Edmonston, eds., The New Americans: Economic, Demographic, and Fiscal Effects of Immigration

http://www.cis.org/illegalImmigration-employment

 

 

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The Pronk Pops Show 241, April 10, 2014, Story 1:16 Year Old Teenager Stabs 20 in High School — Progressives Call For Registration of All Knives, Concealed Knife Carry Permits and Ban On All Assault Knives — Will Baseball Bats Be Next? — Videos

Posted on April 10, 2014. Filed under: Assault, Blogroll, Communications, Crime, Culture, Disasters, Drugs, Employment, Federal Government, Government, Government Spending, Media, Philosophy, Photos, Politics, Radio, Security, Videos, Violence | Tags: , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , |

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Story 1:16 Year Old Teenager Stabs 20 in High School — Progressives Call For Registration of All Knives, Concealed Knife Carry Permits and Ban On All Assault Knives — Will Baseball Bats Be Next? —  Videos

Kitchen-knives

20_hurt_in_Pennsylvania_school_stabbing_1492980000_4031342_ver1.0_640_480franklin-regional-hs-600
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suspect

kitchen-knife-f2z

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Suspect in School Stabbing Spree Is ‘Confused, Scared and Depressed’

Alex Hribal, the 16-year-old student who police say stabbed 22 people at his Pennsylvania high school Wednesday, is “confused, scared and depressed,” his attorney told ABC News in an exclusive interview.

“I think he understands what he did,” attorney Patrick Thomassey said in an interview with “Good Morning America.”

“I don’t think he at this point understands the gravity of what he did. I don’t think he realizes how severely injured some of these people are. And, hopefully, there’s no death involved in any of these. We’re praying that everybody is all right.”

Knife-Wielding Pa. Student Wounds at Least 22 in Stabbing Spree

Thomassey said he’s unaware of any signs of Hribal’s being bullied, adding that the teen’s parents are shocked and horrified.

“They could not have predicted that this was going to happen,” he said. “They don’t understand how this occurred.”

The stabbing spree happened at Franklin Regional High School in Murrysville, a suburb located about 20 miles east of Pittsburgh. Morgan Ritchey, who said she had two classes with Hribal, described him as being “a little misunderstood.”

I just always felt like he had a different side to him that nobody knew and it was, like, hard to uncover,” said Ritchey.

Hribal, a sophomore, used two 8-to-10 inch “kitchen-type” “straight” knives in the attack, which started shortly after 7 a.m., police said.

Murrysville Police Officer William “Buzz” Yakshe, a school resource officer, heard a disturbance in the hallway and joined a school security guard to go find out what was happening, according to a police affidavit.

The guard and officer split up. The next time Yakshe saw the guard, he was leaning against a wall, bleeding from his stomach.

Sam King, the school’s assistant principal, told police he saw Hribal stab the security guard. King tackled the teen and subdued him while Yakshe handcuffed him.

King heard one of the victims say, “I’ve been stabbed,” he told police.

Authorities charged Hribal as an adult with four counts of attempted criminal homicide, 21 counts of aggravated assault and one count of possession of weapons on school property. He was being held without bail in a juvenile detention center in Westmoreland County.

Murrysville Police Chief Thomas Seefeld said someone pulled a fire alarm during the attack, raising attention and getting students and teachers to evacuate.

“When we got there we saw a hallway in chaos, as you can imagine,” Seefeld said at a news conference. “There was a lot of evidence of blood on the floors and in the hallway, we had students running about, trying to get out of the area.”

Nate Moore, 15, was stabbed during the rampage and said he had to be treated with 15 stitches.

“It was really fast. It felt like he hit me with a wet rag because I felt the blood splash on my face. It spurted up on my forehead,” Moore told The Associated Press.

Student Gracey Evans said heroes emerged during the attack.

“My best friend, he stepped in front of me and in the meantime, he got stabbed in the back protecting me,” she said.

“You couldn’t step a single place without pretty much stepping in blood.”

At least 22 people were injured after the stabbings at the start of the school day, Westmoreland County emergency management spokesman Dan Stevens said.

The motive for the rampage is under investigation. Seefeld said officials were unaware of any warning signs from the suspect, a sophomore at the school.

At least four people with injuries emergency management officials described as “serious” were flown to hospitals for treatment. Others were not actually stabbed, he said, and some of their injuries included cuts and scrapes.

http://gma.yahoo.com/suspect-school-stabbing-spree-confused-scared-depressed-115319444–abc-news-topstories.html

A BLANK LOOK, FOLLOWED BY BLOODSHED AT HIGH SCHOOL

 

It was just before the start of class and the hallways were packed with students at their lockers or chatting with friends.

Nate Moore was walking to homeroom, book in hand, when a classmate he knew to be quiet and unassuming tackled a freshman boy a few feet in front of him. Moore thought it was the start of a fistfight and went to break it up.

But 16-year-old Alex Hribal wasn’t throwing punches — he was stabbing his victim in the belly, Moore said. The suspect got up and slashed Moore’s face, then took off down the hall, where authorities said he stabbed and slashed other students in an attack that injured 21 students and a security guard — and might have been even worse but for the “heroes” who Pennsylvania’s governor said helped prevent further injury or loss of life.

An assistant principal tackled and subdued Hribal, who was charged Wednesday night with four counts of attempted homicide and 21 counts of aggravated assault and jailed without bail. Authorities said he would be prosecuted as an adult.

The suspect’s motive remained a mystery.

“He wasn’t saying anything,” Moore recalled hours later. “He didn’t have any anger on his face. It was just a blank expression.”

At a brief hearing Wednesday night, District Attorney John Peck said that after he was taken into custody, Hribal made comments suggesting he wanted to die. Defense attorney Patrick Thomassey described him as a good student who got along with others, and asked for a psychiatric examination.

Thomassey told ABC’s Good Morning America on Thursday that any defense he offers would likely be based on Hribal’s mental health. He said he hoped to move the charges against the teenager to juvenile court, where he could be rehabilitated. If convicted as an adult, Hribal faces likely decades in prison.

Thomassey told several media outlets that Hribal is remorseful, though he acknowledged his client didn’t appear to appreciate the gravity of his actions.

“At this point, he’s confused, scared and depressed. Over the next few days we’ll try to figure out what the heck happened here,” Thomassey told ABC. “I think he understands what he did. … I don’t think he realizes how severely injured some of these people are.”

At least five students were critically wounded in the attack, including a boy who was on a ventilator after a knife pierced his liver, missing his heart and aorta by only millimeters, doctors said. He had additional surgery overnight, they said.

The rampage comes after decades in which U.S. schools have focused their emergency preparedness on mass shootings, not stabbings.

While knife attacks at schools are not unusual, they’re most often limited to a single victim, said Mo Canady, executive director of the National Association of School Resource Officers.

Nevertheless, there have been at least two major stabbing attacks at U.S. schools over the past year, the first at a community college in Texas last April that wounded at least 14 people, and another, also in Texas, that killed a 17-year-old student and injured three others at a high school last September.

The attack in Pittsburgh unfolded shortly after 7 a.m. Wednesday, a few minutes before the start of classes at 1,200-student Franklin Regional High School, in an upper-middle-class area 15 miles east of Pittsburgh. By Thursday morning, the school was no longer being treated as a crime scene, according to police and school officials, who said they expected it to reopen Monday.

Mia Meixner, 16, said the freshman boy who was tackled tried to fight back, then, when his assailant got off him, stood up and lifted his shirt to reveal a midsection covered in blood.

“He had his shirt pulled up and he was screaming, ‘Help! Help!'” said another witness, Michael Float, 18. “He had a stab wound right at the top right of his stomach, blood pouring down.”

As students rushed to the boy’s aid, the attacker slashed Moore before taking off around a bend.

“It was really fast. It felt like he hit me with a wet rag because I felt the blood splash on my face. It spurted up on my forehead,” said Moore, whose gashed right cheek required 11 stitches.

The boy ran down about 200 feet of hallway, slashing and stabbing other students with kitchen knives about 8 to 10 inches long, police said. The assault touched off a “stampede of kids” yelling, “Run! Get out of here! Someone has a knife!” according to Meixner.

Assistant Principal Sam King heard the commotion and found a chaotic scene in the blood-soaked hall.

“I’ve been stabbed,” he heard a student say, according to a police affidavit.

King then saw Hribal stab a security guard, who leaned against the wall, bleeding from his stomach, the affidavit said. King tackled Hribal and kept him on the floor until a school police officer handcuffed him.

The rampage lasted about five minutes.

“There are a number of heroes in this day. Many of them are students,” Gov. Tom Corbett said in a visit to the town. “Students who stayed with their friends and didn’t leave their friends.”

He also commended cafeteria workers, teachers and teacher’s aides who put themselves at risk to help others.

Looking for a motive, Murrysville Police Chief Thomas Seefeld said investigators were checking reports of a threatening phone call between Hribal and another student the night before. He didn’t say whether the suspect received or made the call.

The FBI went to the boy’s house, and local media reports said agents removed at least one computer along with other items.

Meixner and Moore called the attacker a shy and quiet boy who largely kept to himself, but they said he was not an outcast and they saw no indication before the attack that he might be violent.

“He was never mean to anyone, and I never saw people be mean to him,” Meixner said. “I never saw him with a particular group of friends.”

During the attack, the boy had a “blank look,” she said. “He was just kind of looking like he always does, not smiling, not scowling or frowning.”

___

Associated Press writers Michael Rubinkam in northeastern Pennsylvania, Joe Mandak in Pittsburgh and JoAnn Loviglio in Philadelphia contributed to this report.

http://www.breitbart.com/system/wire/ap_9a58be3772564946b1e85a87f10519ca

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