The @WhiteHouse tax plan:
The Pronk Pops Show 776, October 14, 2016, Story 1: Which Big Lie Media Companies Are Offering Huge Rewards — Pay For Play — To Women Coming Forward To Accuse Trump? — Big Lie Media Suppressing News on Wikileaks 10,000 Plus Emails Instead Covering Women Trump Accusations By A Factor of 10! –Videos — Story 2: Hillary Clinton Applying Saul Alinsky’s Rule For Radicals — Rule 12: Pick The Target, Freeze It, Personalize It and Polarize It. Cut off the support network and isolate the target from sympathy. Go after people not institutions; people hurt faster than institutions — Videos — Story 3: Trump’s October Surprise? Positive Reason To Vote for Trump — Trump’s Fair Tax Less For American People — Make America Great Again — Videos
The Pronk Pops Show Podcasts
Story 1: Which Big Lie Media Companies Are Offering Huge Rewards — Pay For Play — To Women Coming Forward To Accuse Trump? — Big Lie Media Suppressing News on Wikileaks 10,000 Plus Emails Instead Covering Women Trump Accusations By A Factor of 10! –Videos —
NEW WIKILEAKS Revelations DEADLY For Hillary Clinton (FULL- 10/15/2016)
Special Report 10/14/16 WikiLeaks Hillary Clinton Was Afraid Of Trey Gowdy
Trump blames Mexican billionaire for harassment stories
Clinton camp discussed holding back POTUS emails in new leak
Judge Jeanine Pirro Sounds Off on WikiLeaks Dumps on Clinton and Trump Accusers – 10/14/16
WikiLeaks exposes Clinton emails revealing link to President
Wikileaks; Email Leak Show Top Clinton Staffer Hitting Catholics, Evangelicals – Clinton Vs Trump
Alex Jones (FULL SHOW Commercial Free) Friday 10/14/16: Wikileaks, Trump, Roger Stone, Dolly Kyle
Hillary Clinton Campaign Hates On Catholics in Wikileaks Email
Trump Blames Mexican Billionaire Carlos Slim For Sexual Misconduct Stories
Pence: Overwhelming majority of Republicans stand with Trump
Can Trump change the dynamic before the third debate?
BREAKING: Trump Crowd Shames Mainstream Media at Cincinnati, OH Rally!
Wikileaks Email Shows Clinton Campaign & DOJ Collusion. Coordination W Media – Newt Gingrich Hannity
The O’Reilly Factor Oct.11 ’16 – Wikileaks, Hillary Clinton, Full Interview With Donald Trump
Hannity Oct.11 ’16 – Wikileaks, Hillary Clinton, Full Interview With Mike Pence & Newt Gingrich
What They’re Not Telling You About The Trump “Scandal”
FBI WIKILEAKS JUST TOOK A DUMP ON HILLARY CLINTON
Eric Trump: WikiLeaks exposed true level of gov’t corruption
Wikileaks Bombshell You’ve NEVER Heard! This Will Change The Election & End Clintons Campaign
Alex Jones Responds To New York Times Hit Piece
BOMBSHELL: WikiLeaks’ Podesta Emails Expose Clinton Campaign Collusion With Media
WikiLeaks’ release of John Podesta’s emails, the Chair of Hillary Clinton’s presidential campaign, exposes that journalists from multiple outlets have been in contact with Clinton’s campaign, and have been colluding to produce pro-Clinton propaganda pieces. Some journalists have discussed fluff-pieces they’ll be producing for Clinton, and others have submitted questions she’ll be asked about during interviews. Obviously, this is very troubling seeing that the media is suppose to hold elected officials accountable—not collude with them.
DNC Chair Donna Brazile Leaked Info. to Clinton’s Campaign:
The Hill Columnist in Contact With Clinton’s Campaign:
The Hill Floated Article to Clinton’s Campaign:
Clinton’s Campaign Pitched Stories to ‘The Daily Beast’: https://wikileaks.org/podesta-emails/…
ThinkProgress Columnist in Contact With Clinton Campaign
Today Show Tells Clinton Campaign Spokesman They Will Ask Question About Guns: https://wikileaks.org/podesta-emails/…
Cliff Richard – Devil Woman [HQ stereo]
Donald Trump Prepares New Attack on Media, Clinton
GOP presidential nominee says reports are ‘slanderous’ and media are pitted against him and his supporters
By MONICA LANGLEY
Donald Trump will broaden his attack against the media to hit globalism and the Clinton Foundation by charging that Mexican billionaire Carlos Slim is part of a biased coalition working in collusion with the Clinton campaign and its supporters to generate news reports of decades-old allegations from several women.
Mr. Trump, defiant and enraged in speeches on Thursday, flatly denied charges he had made inappropriate advances on the women over the past three decades.
READ MORE ON CAPITAL JOURNAL
Capital Journal is WSJ.com’s home for Election 2016.
“What they say is false and slanderous in virtually every respect,” he said at a rally in West Palm Beach, Fla., on Thursday, the day after the New York Times and other news outlets published accounts of women who said he had fondled or kissed them against their will.
As early as Friday, Mr. Trump is planning to claim that Mr. Slim, as a shareholder of New York Times Co. and donor to the Clinton Foundation, has an interest in helping Hillary Clinton’s campaign, according to a Trump adviser.
Attacking the Mexican billionaire would allow Mr. Trump to hit several targets. He could slam the “failing” New York Times, which he says had to be “rescued” by a “foreigner”—Mr. Slim, the adviser said.
“This is totally false,” said Arturo Elias, Mr. Slim’s spokesman. “Of course we aren’t interfering in the U.S. election. We aren’t even active in Mexican politics.” He said the contributions by Mr. Slim to the Clinton Foundation were a matter of public record.
The Slim family held about 17% of the New York Times Class A shares as of March, making them the largest individual shareholder. The Sulzberger family still controls the company, with more than 90% of the Class B shares. Mr. Slim and his foundation have given between $250,000 and $500,000 to the Clinton Foundation since its founding.
“Carlos Slim is an excellent shareholder who fully respects boundaries regarding the independence of our journalism,” said New York Times publisher Arthur Sulzberger Jr. “He has never sought to influence what we report.”
The Times said it stood by its reporting and declined a demand from a lawyer representing Mr. Trump to remove the story.
The attack on Mr. Slim “is just another deranged right-wing conspiracy theory from Donald Trump’s increasingly desperate campaign,” said Brian Fallon, Mrs. Clinton’s press secretary.
Mr. Trump said in his Florida speech he would soon produce emails and other evidence to counter the sexual-misconduct claims but didn’t give specifics. Instead, he framed the episode in blunt populist terms, of how the political and media establishments are pitted against him and his supporters.
“I take all of these slings and arrows gladly for you,” he said. “I take them for our movement so that we can have our country back.”
Mr. Trump’s speech was an extended response to the spate of reports that surfaced Wednesday just as Trump allies had been hoping he had stabilized his standing in the race following last week’s release of a 2005 video in which he bragged about being able to exploit women sexually.
During the debate with Mrs. Clinton Sunday, Mr. Trump said that tape captured “locker room talk” that is not representative of his real behavior.
—Janet Hook contributed to this article.
“As soon as the nomination is wrapped up, I will be your biggest surrogate,” current Interim Chair of the Democratic National Committee (DNC) Donna Brazile, wrote to Podesta in a January 2016 email. As a Vice Chair of the DNC, Brazile was bound to neutrality per the charter, but as shown in several emails released so far, that was not the case.
“I pushed back hard on this, and Axe. So weird to attack the kids the night before the first primary,” Brazile wrote in an email she forwarded to Podesta about what CNN was doing while she served as a CNN contributor.
On October 10, an email was released that showed Brazile tipping off the Clintoncampaign to an outreach campaign being conducted by the Sanders campaign. Brazile defended herself on Twitter claiming she also sent the Sanders campaign “advice,” but did not release or cite any examples.
On October 11, Mediaite’s Jordan Chariton first reported another email that showed Brazile tipping off the Clinton campaign to a question on the death penalty that would be asked at a CNN Town Hall the next day. Brazile was a CNN contributor at the time, and that wasn’t her only helpful tip. “For the debate team,” she wrote in a March email about the Voting Rights Act, forwarded to Podesta.
In 2013, during an interview with ABC News, Brazile said, “if Clinton gets in the race, there will be a coronation of her,” foreshadowing that she and the rest of the DNCand Democratic Party would line up behind Hillary Clinton as the nominee before a single person voted in the Democratic primaries.
In a March 2016 email, Mark Alan Siegel, a former New York State Assemblyman andDemocratic official, advised the Clinton campaign staff to offer Bernie Sanders and his supporters a reduction in future super delegates to pacify them. “So if we ‘give’ Bernie this in the Convention’s rules committee, his people will think they’ve ‘won’ something from the Party Establishment,” he wrote. “And it functionally doesn’t make any difference anyway. They win. We don’t lose. Everyone is happy.”
Neera Tanden, president of the Center for American Progress which publishes Think Progress, wrote in a January 2016 email, “But I should say that I would do whateverHillary needs always. I owe her a lot. And I’m a loyal soldier.”
An April 2015 email describes the Clinton campaign and DNC coordinating to rig the debate schedule for Clinton’s benefit. The debate schedule was a commonly cited criticism against then-DNC Chair Debbie Wasserman Schultz, who resigned after the WikiLeaks release of DNC emails in July showed her overt favoritism for Clinton all through the primaries.
“Through internal discussions, we concluded that it was in our interest to: 1) limit the number of debates (and the number in each state); 2) start the debates as late as possible; 3) keep debates out of the busy window between February 1 and February 27, 2016 (Iowa to South Carolina)” read the email from Charlie Baker, a senior advisor to the Clinton campaign from the Dewey Square Group. “The other campaigns have advocated (not surprisingly) for more debates and for the schedule to start significantly earlier.”
An email from November 2014 shows Clinton campaign staff backing a law that would push the Illinois primary from March to April or May, with their reasoning being that the state could potentially serve as a lifeline to moderate Republicans as it did for Mitt Romney in 2012. “The Clintons won’t forget what their friends have done for them. It would be helpful to feel out what path, if any, we have to get them to yes. This will probably take some pushing,” wrote Clinton Campaign Manager Robby Mook to Podesta. The primary wound up not being moved, with Trump winning Illinois, but the push was strategic as Clinton didn’t poll well against moderate Republicans such as Sen. Marco Rubio and Gov. John Kasich.
In damage control over a false statement Clinton made about Nancy Reagan’s role in the HIV/AIDS epidemic, the Clinton campaign noted in an email chain that they would have to coerce Clinton into admitting she was wrong. “Here is a revised draft of a statement. It does include the words ‘I made a mistake’ in the first line. We need a strategy for getting her to approve this.”
And then there’s the overly docile press, who were so eager to help Clinton get elected. In one email chain discussing the upcoming release of exchanges between Clinton and writer Sidney Blumenthal, insiders noted that the Associated Press appeared to be willing to allow the Clinton campaign to plant favorable stories. “[T]hey are considering placing a story with a friendly at the AP (Matt Lee or Bradley Klapper), that would lay this out before the majority on the committee has a chance to realize what they have and distort it,” wrote Nick Merrill, the Clinton campaign’s traveling press secretary.
“She is going to read me the story later today off the record to further assure me,” Clinton campaign Communications Director Jennifer Palmieri wrote in an email to Podesta and other staff about New York Times‘ Maggie Haberman coordinating directly with the campaign to provide Clinton with favorable coverage.
In March 2015, an email from Clinton campaign manager assistant Marissa Astor provides some options for when a story in the AP will be published, with a statement from Clinton and Q&A regarding her private email server, in addition to an option to “pre-negotiate” a TV interview.
An April 2015 email from Clinton staff issued a press policy that says, “Less than 100 people – NO cell phones, NO press.” According to the email, events with over 100 people, cell phones are allowed, “and ONE print pooler will be escorted in for her remarks only and then escorted out. NO tv cameras. Over 500 people in a public space – YES cell phones, OPEN press (all press access including tv cameras). At fundraisers in private homes NO tv cameras no matter the size. ONE print pooler only.” According to the email, Hillary Clinton approved the policy. “Huma spoke to HRC and she agreed with this plan,” wrote Kristina Schake, the Clinton campaign deputy communications director.
In a January 2015 email, in response to an inquiry as to whether the Clinton staff have any diversity they can point to, political consultant Jim Margolis jokes, “Robby claims he’s 1/16th Apache, so we should be all set.”
Part four, five, six, and seven brings the total WikiLeaks release of Podesta emails to around 10,000 out of about 50,000.
Donald Trump to claim Mexican billionaire Carlos Slim behind NYT sex assault stories: WSJ
According to the report, which cited an unnamed Trump adviser, Trump planned to claim that Slim, a New York Times shareholder and Clinton Foundation donor, was trying to boost Hillary Clinton‘s campaign by damaging Trumps. The adviser said Trump could launch the attack as early as Friday, the report said.
A spokesman for Slim denied that the media mogul had interfered in the U.S. election, while New York Times publisher Arthur Sulzberger Jr. said Slim had never sought to influence the newspaper’s coverage, theWSJ reported.
A Clinton campaign press secretary called Trump’s claim a “deranged right-wing conspiracy theory,” the report said.
The Slim family owned around 17 percent of The New York Times Co. Class A shares as of March, although the Sulzberger family controls the company, the report noted.
Carlos Slim in 2012
|Born||Carlos Slim Helú
January 28, 1940
Mexico City, Mexico
|Residence||Mexico City, Mexico|
|Alma mater||Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México|
|Occupation||Chairman & CEO of Telmex,América Móvil, Samsung Mexicoand Grupo Carso|
|Known for||World’s wealthiest person (2010 to 2013)|
|Net worth||US$50 billion (July 2016)|
|Spouse(s)||Soumaya Domit (m. 1967;d. 1999)|
|Parent(s)||Julián Slim Haddad (deceased)
Carlos Slim Helú (Spanish pronunciation: [ˈkaɾlos esˈlim eˈlu]; born January 28, 1940) is a Mexican business magnate, investor, and philanthropist. From 2010 to 2013, Slim was ranked as the richest person in the world. He derived his fortune from his extensive holdings in a considerable number of Mexican companies through his conglomerate,Grupo Carso. As of 31 July 2016 he was #7 on Forbes list of billionaires, with a net worth estimated at US$50 billion.
Slim is the chairman and chief executive of telecommunications companies Telmex and América Móvil, Latin America’s largest mobile-phone carrier, which accounted for around $49 billion of Slim’s wealth by the end of 2010.
Slim’s conglomerate comprises a diverse portfolio of businesses from a wide array of industries that include education, health care, industrial manufacturing, transportation, real estate, media, energy, hospitality, entertainment, high-technology, retail, sports and financial services.
Slim has overseen a vast business empire that is influential in every sector of the Mexican economy and accounts for 40% of the listings on the Mexican Stock Exchange, while his net worth is equivalent to about 6 percent of Mexico’s gross domestic product.
Slim always knew he wanted to be a businessman and began to develop his business and investment acumen at a young age. He received business lessons from his early childhood where his father Julian, often taught the young Carlos the value of financial literacy, management and accountability, teaching him how to read financial statements as well as the importance of keeping accurate financial records, a practice that Slim carries on to this day.
Slim’s first investment began at the age of 11, when he invested in a government savings bond that taught him about the concept of compound interest. He eventually saved every financial and business transaction he made into his personal ledger book which he keeps to this day. At the age of 12, he made his first stock purchase, by purchasing shares in a Mexican bank. By the age of 15, Slim had become a shareholder in Mexico’s largest bank. At the age of 17, he earned 200 pesos a week working for his father’s company. He went on to study civil engineering at the National Autonomous University of Mexico, where he also concurrently taught algebra andlinear programming, which meant that he was both a student and professor.
Though Slim was a civil engineering major because of his fascination with numbers, he also displayed an interest in economics. He took economics courses in Chile once he finished his engineering degree. Graduating as a civil engineering major, Slim has stated that his mathematical prowess and his background of linear programming was a key factor in helping him gain an edge in the business world, especially when reading financial statements.
After graduating from college in 1961, Slim began his career as a stock trader in Mexico, often working 14-hour days. In 1965, profits from Slim’s private investments reached US$400,000, allowing him to start the stock brokerage Inversora Bursátil. In addition, he also began laying the financial groundwork for Grupo Carso. In 1965 he also bought Jarritos del Sur. In 1966, worth US$40 million, he founded Inmobiliaria Carso.
Companies found within the construction, soft drink, printing, real estate, bottling and mining industries were the focus of Slim’s early burgeoning business career. He later expanded into numerous industries including auto parts, aluminium, airlines, chemicals, tobacco, manufacturing of cables and wires, paper and packaging, copper and mineral combustion, tires, cement, retail, hotels, beverage distributors, telecommunications and financial services where Slim’s Grupo Financiero Inbursa – which sells insurance and invests the savings, mutual funds and pension plans of millions of ordinary Mexicans. By 1972, he had established or acquired a further seven businesses in these categories, including one which rented construction equipment. In 1976, he branched out by acquiring a 60 percent share of Galas de México, a small printer of cigarette-pack labels for US$1 million, and in 1980, he consolidated his business interests by forming Grupo Galas as the parent company of a conglomerate that had interests in industry, construction, mining, retail, food, and tobacco. In 1981, Slim acquired a majority stake in Cigarros la Tabacelera Mexicana (Cigatam), Mexico’s second largest producer and marketer of cigarettes, at a fire sale price.
In 1982, the Mexican economy contracted rapidly. As many banks were struggling and foreign investors were cutting back on investing and scurrying, Slim began investing heavily and bought many flagship companies at depressed valuations. Buying troubled assets at depressed prices to resell them later at an attractive price is a business strategy that Slim has executed throughout his career.
Having a keen investment eye for value, Slim adhered to his value investment practices with a long history of buying stakes in companies he sees as undervalued. Much of Slim’s business dealings involved a simple strategy, which is to buy a business and hang on to it for its cash flow or eventually sell the stake at a greater profit in future, thereby netting the capital gains as well as reinvesting the initial principal into a new business. In addition, his conglomerate structure allows Slim to purchase numerous stakes that it is made nearly recession proof if one or more sectors of the economy do not do well. Slim also doesn’t address the finer details of the business but instead focuses on business fundamentals where his strategy is buy an asset at an undervalued price for its underlying cash flow and eventually sell his stake for greater profit when the asset gains value, or simply hang to the business for its cash flow.
From the mid 1960s to the early 1980s, Slim and his growing family lived a modest life, while earnings from Slim’s many businesses were re-invested in expansion and more acquisitions. Slim acquired companies with strong returns on capital he believed were undervalued and overhauled their management. He diversified methodically in numerous industry sectors across the Mexican economy, investing in real estate, then a construction equipment company, and mining companies. The portfolio of Slim companies grew to include a printing company, a tobacco company and retail stores.
During the Mexican economic downturn before its recovery in 1985, Slim invested heavily. He bought all or a large percentage of numerous Mexican businesses, including Empresas Frisco, a mining and chemicals company producing silver, gold, copper, lead, and zinc from extracted ores, and also chemical products such as hydrofluoric acid and molybdenum for only $50 million, Industrias Nacobre, a manufacturer of copper products, Reynolds Aluminio, Compania Hulera Euzkadi, Mexico’s largest tire maker, Bimex hotels, and majority share of Sanborn Hermanos food retailer, gift shop and restaurant chain. Slim spent US$13 million to buy insurance company Seguros de México in 1984, and later absorbed the company into the firm, Seguros Inbursa. The value of his stake in Seguros eventually became worth US$1.5 billion by 2007, after four spinoffs. He also acquired a 40% and 50% interest in the Mexican arms of British American Tobacco and The Hershey Company, respectively as well as acquiring large blocks of Denny’s and Firestone Tires. He moved into financial services as well, buying Seguros de México and creating from it, along with other purchases such as Fianzas La Guardiana and Casa de Bolsa Inbursa, the Grupo Financiero Inbursa. Many of these acquisitions were financed by the revenues and cash flows from Cigatam, a tobacco business which he bought early in the economic downturn.
In 1988 Slim bought the Nacobre group of companies, which trades in copper and aluminum products, along with a chemicals business, Química Fluor, and others.
Slim made a large fortune in the early 1990s when Mexico privatized its telecom industry and Grupo Carso acquired Telmex from the Mexican government. In 1990 the Grupo Carso was floated as a public company initially in Mexico and then worldwide. Grupo Carso also acquired majority ownership of Porcelanite, a tile making company in 1990. This investment was assigned to an associated company, but in 1995 Grupo Carso began growing its equity stake to 83 percent and subsequently made it a subsidiary.
Later in 1990 Slim acted in concert with France Télécom and Southwestern Bell Corporation in order to buy the landline telephone company Telmex from the Mexican government, when Mexico began privatizing its national industries. Slim was one of the initial investors of Telmex, the revenues of the company eventually formed the bulk of Slim’s wealth. By 2006, 90 percent of the telephone lines in Mexico were operated by Telmex, and his mobile telephone company, Telcel, which was created out of the Radiomóvil Dipsa company, operated almost 80 percent of all the country’s cellphones. By 2012, América Movil, Slim’s mobile telephone company, had taken over Telmex and made it into a privately held subsidiary.
In 1996 Grupo Carso was split into three companies: Carso Global Telecom, Grupo Carso, and Invercorporación. In the following year, Slim bought the Mexican arm of Sears Roebuck. In July 1997 Grupo Carso agreed in principle to sell Procter & Gamble de México, a subsidiary of The Procter & Gamble Co., a manufacturing plant in Apizaco and the company’s Lypps, Pampys, and other toilet-tissue brands for about US$170 million but kept its tissue-products company Fábricas de Papel Loreto y Peña Pobre.
In 1999, Slim began expanding his business interests beyond Latin America. Though the bulk of his holdings still remained in Mexico, he began setting his sights towards the United States for overseas investments.
Slim became a prominent figure within the American business scene by 2003 when he began purchasing large stakes in a number of major US retailers such as Barnes & Noble, OfficeMax, Office Depot, Circuit City, Borders, and CompUSA. Much of reason behind Slim’s overseas expansion was due to a running joke in the Mexican business scene where “there was nothing left to acquire in Mexico”. He eyed towards investing the United States where he set up Telmex USA and also acquired a stake in Tracfone, a US cellular telephone company. At the same time, he established Carso Infraestructura y Construcción, S. A. (CICSA) as a construction and engineering company within Grupo Carso. During the same year, Slim had heart surgery and subsequently passed on much of the day-to-day involvement in the businesses to his children and their spouses.
América Telecom, the holding company for América Móvil, was incorporated in 2000. It took stakes in cellular telephone companies outside of Mexico, including the Brazilian ATL and Telecom Americas concerns, Techtel in Argentina, and others in Guatemala and Ecuador. In subsequent years, there were investment in Latin America, with companies in Colombia, Nicaragua, Peru, Chile, Honduras, and El Salvador, as well as a venture withMicrosoft.
In 2005 Slim invested in Volaris, a Mexican airline and established Impulsora del Desarrollo y el Empleo en America Latina SAB de CV (using the acronym “IDEAL”—roughly translated as “Promoter of Development and Employment in Latin America”), a Mexican construction and civil engineering company primarily engaged in not-for-profit infrastructure development. Since 2006, IDEAL won three infrastructure contracts yet it faces stiff competition from a number of other Mexican and Spanish construction companies. The number of contracts is fewer than its biggest local competitor, Empresas ICA. During the same period, Empresas obtained 18 Mexican projects valued at US$1.09 billion, including airports, toll roads, hospitals and oil platforms. Some of the projects IDEAL has been awarded include the Nezahualcoyotl development, which is a landfill that was acquired for US$150 million by Slim to develop a shopping mall, two schools, a hospital and a park on the site. Other contracts IDEAL has been awarded include a water-treatment plant contract, and a real estate partnership with the Mexican hospital chain Star Médica. IDEAL is also betting on one of the poorest landfills surrounding Mexico City. Slim has also planned to purchase several toll roads offered by the Mexican government that it took over from private companies following the December 1994 currency devaluation. Though speculation that the landfill will take about 12 years to yield a return, the development of a such poor area is revealed to promise handsome business profits over the years as Grupo Elektra, Mexico’s largest consumer electronics retailer, sells 2,000 flat screen televisions a year at its store in the area, making it the third-best-selling outlet. Included in the development, IDEAL will also collect rent from a university, a hospital and a school that will be built around a mall, will have 178 stores, including Inditex’s Zara fashion chain and Slim’s Grupo Sanborns and the Mexican unit of Sears Holdings. A park in Nezahualcoyotl, the first of its kind will also be constructed. The park will comprise 34 soccer fields, 12 tennis, basketball and volleyball courts, a baseball field and a gym with a swimming pool.
In 2007, after having amassed a 50.1% stake in the Cigatam tobacco company, Slim reduced his holdings by selling a large portion of his equity to Philip Morris for US$1.1 billion, while in the same year also selling his entire interest in a tile company, Porcelanite, for US$800 million. He licensed the Saks name and opened the Mexican arm of Saks Fifth Avenue in Santa Fe, Mexico. During the same year, the estimated value of all of Slim’s companies was at US$150 billion. On December 8, 2007, Grupo Carso announced that the remaining 103 CompUSAstores would be either liquidated or sold, bringing an end to the struggling company, although the IT tech part of CompUSA continued under the name Telvista with U.S. locations inDallas, Texas (U.S. Corporate Office) and Danville, Virginia. Telvista has five centers in Mexico (three in Tijuana, one center in Mexicali, and one in México City). After 28 years, Slim became the Honorary Lifetime Chairman of the business.
In 2008 Slim took a 6.4% stake valued at $27 million in the troubled New York Times Company, as the global recession and declining advertising revenues took a particularly heavy toll on print-based “old media” companies across the United States. Slim increased his stake to 8% by 2012. Slim’s stake in the Times increased again to 16.8% on January 20, 2015 when he exercised stock options to purchase 15.9 million shares, making him the largest shareholder in the company.
In 2012 Slim sold the broadcast rights for the Leon games to Telemundo in the United States, and the cable channel Fox Sports in Mexico and the rest of Latin America and to the website mediotiempo.com. The games are also broadcast on the Internet through UNO TV, offered by Telmex. Slim has been involved with broadcasting sports outside Mexico to larger markets such as the United States. In March 2012, America Movil acquired the broadcast rights for the Olympic Games in Sochi 2014 and the Brazil 2016 for Latin America.
In March 2012 Slim, along with American television host Larry King, established Ora TV, an on-demand digital television network that produces and distributes television shows includingLarry King Now, Politicking with Larry King, Recessionista, and Jesse Ventura Uncensored.
In September 2012 Slim bought 30% stakes in Pachuca and León, two Mexican soccer teams through his telecommunications company America Movil. In December 2012, he bought all the shares of the second division team Estudiantes Tecos. Slim has also completed business deals for the television rights to games of the Leon soccer team. His company America Movil purchase 30 percent of the team along with transmission rights as Slim doesn’t have the rights to transmit content by broadcast television or cable TV as well as putting him in competition with Televisa and TV Azteca, two television companies with rights to the rest of Mexican soccer’s first division.
In 2013 Slim’s company, Grupo Carso opened Mexico City’s Telcel Theater, which operates in conjunction with his entertainment company, Grupo CIE (Corporación Interamericana de Entretenimiento), Mexico’s equivalent ofLive Nation.
In April 2013 Slim entered the business of managing Mexican prisons to expand the investments of his construction-financing company. Ideal acquired stakes in two federal prisons from Desarrolladora Homex SAB, a Mexican homebuilder where Slim’s companies will receive 4 billion pesos (US$326 million) within the agreement. The company ran his son, Marco Antonio Slim would add the prisons to its portfolio of infrastructure assets among which include toll roads, hydroelectric dams, and water-treatment plants.
In July 2013 Slim’s company America Movill invested US$40 million in Shazam, a British commercial mobile phone-based music identification service for an undisclosed share. America Movil partnered with the company to aid its growth into advertising and television and help the audio recognition service expand in Latin America.
In November 2013 Slim invested US$60 million in the Israeli startup Mobli, a company that deals with connections between people and communities corralled according to different interests.
In December 2013 Slim’s private equity fund, Sinca Inbursa, sold its stake in Mexican pharmaceutical company Landsteiner Scientific. Slim acquired a 27.51 stake in the company in June 2008 and represented 6.6 percent of Sinca’s investment portfolio. The private equity fund’s investments are mainly in transportation and infrastructure and the fund had total market cap of 5.152 billion pesos at the end of 2012.
Slim has also set his sights within the energy industry as well. In 2011, Slim began buying a 70 percent stake in Geoprocesados SA’s Tabasco Oil Co., gaining access to the Colombian oil market as the country seeks to boost crude and natural-gas output. Slim began seeking to boost his oil investments in Colombia because of the country’s open policies on exploration as well as furthering its commitment to double output by 2020. Investors have also been drawn to Colombia because of improved security as well as a clear government regulatory framework for oil drilling. In 2013, Mexico’s national oil and gas company Pemex hired an offshore drilling rig from the Carso Group. Under the agreement, Pemex will operate the rig on a seven-year contract and will pay US$415 million. The rig is owned by Operadora Cicsa, a subsidiary of Carso Group. The relationship between Pemex and Slim rans back as early as in 2006, where NOC hired CICSA for the drilling and completion of over 60 wells in the southern region—covering the Cinco Presidentes, Macuspana-Muspac, Samaria-Luna and Bellota-Jujo assets – and for the expansion of a petrochemical plant in Veracruz. Carso’s infrastructure and construction subsidiary has been awarded with several oil well development contracts in Pemex’s main assets—including Chicontepec—as well as tenders for the construction of natural gas pipelines and marine platforms. With the 2008 Pemex Law reform, the creation of integrated service contracts and the perspectives for a future energy reform, Slim has begun seizing business and investment opportunities in Mexico’s oil and gas industry. CICSA’s pipe manufacturing division Swepomex into a marine platform provider. CICSA has also acquired majority shares in Oklahoma contractor Bronco Drilling, along with minority participations in Houston drilling company Allis Chalmers Energy. Slim controls a 15 percent stake in Bronco, with warrants that could boost the stake to 20 percent. He also has a 2.9 percent stake in Allis-Chalmers. 15% of the country’s main gas operator, Gas Natural Mexico now belong to Sinca Inbursa, a private equity fund controlled by Slim. Slim Helú has also maintained an important business presence in Spanish oil company Repsol and its Argentinian subsidiary YPF, Argentina’s largest oil company, where Slim has an 8.4 percent stake.
On April 23, 2014, Slim took control of Telekom Austria, Austria’s biggest phone carrier, which has telcos in countries such as Bulgaria, Croatia and Belarus, under a 10-year agreement, was Slim’s first successful business acquisition in Europe. In a syndicate holding structure the Austrian state holding company OIAG’s 28 percent are combined with Slim’s 27 percent ownership. America Movil will spend as much as US$2 billion to buy out minority shareholders in a mandatory public offer and invest up to 1 billion euros (US$1.38 billion) into the company, which it sees as “platform for expansion into central and eastern Europe”. Labor representatives boycotted attending the OIAG supervisory board meeting for 12 hours criticizing lack of explicit job guarantees.
In July 2014 Slim invested in WellAware, a Texas-based oil and gas software developer, this investment was also made with former Republican vice president Dick Cheney. External funding was provided by Activant Capital Group and Slim, along with participation from strategic investors and WellAware board members Ed Whitacre. When Mexico eventually prepared to open its oil and gas sectors to domestic and foreign private capital for the first time in 75 years, it has been widely speculated that Slim will play a major role toward contributing to Mexico’s new energy landscape. Slim’s investment in WellAware, whose software allows oil and gas companies to track wells and pipelines remotely and collates data for making forecasts, adds to a number of oil-related investments that he has been making in the past years in Mexico, Latin America and the United States.
In January 2015 Grupo Carso publicly launched Claro Musica, an online music service that is a Latin American equivalent of iTunes and Spotify. Slim and his son increased their presence in Mexico’s music industry, particularly in the retail music industry since 2013. Sanborn’s, the Mexican retail department store chain owned by Slim contains an extensive music section and 170 locations in Mexico as well as controlling a majority stake in Mixup, Mexico’s most successful retail music store that comprises a chain 117-store Mexican retailers along with an online iShop through a selling partnership with Apple. Mixup also generated more than US$320 million in revenue in 2014.
In March 2015 Slim began to set his sights on Spain, purchasing Spanish real estate at rock-bottom prices within the ailing Spanish economy. Slim has also been buying up stakes in various troubled Spanish corporations while eyeing various investments across Europe. Slim’s investment company, Inmobiliaria Carso, announced it will buy a stake in the Spanish banking conglomerate Bankia, which couples with Slim’s other purchase of Realia, a Spanish real estate company, where Slim is the second largest shareholder holding a 25% equity stake, behind Fomento de Construcciones y Contratas, a construction company where Slim is also a minor shareholder.
On April 15, 2015, Slim formed his own oil company called Carso Oil & Gas. The company was established after shareholders of the subsidiaries of Slim’s business conglomerate, Grupo Carso, voted in February 2015 to mergeCarso Infraestructura, Construccion y Perforacion and Condumex Perforaciones into Carso Oil & Gas. A report that was released by the new company listed its assets at 3.5 billion pesos (approximately US$230 million), placed within 17.7 million shares. Upon formation of the company, Slim remained sanguine about the company and Mexico’s burgeoning energy sector where the state monopoly ceased to exist once held by state-owned oil company Pemex and opening the sector for private investors.
On July 25, 2015, Slim’s investment group Control Empresarial de Capitales invested in IMatchative, a technology startup that ranks the world’s hedge funds creating in-depth behavioral profiles and business analytics. The company creates proprietary behavioral profiles of the top hedge fund managers using everything from divorce records to political donations incorporated in their profiles and fund analysis. Limited partners pay US$30,000 per subscription while hedge fund managers pay half the price and also sign up for a free version of the products the company offers.
On September 8, 2015, one of Slim’s companies announced that Philosophy Jr. Studio, a fashion line for young women, will expand into a standalone retailer chain that will compete with elite fashion retailers across the globe. Although the style of the new fashion line and the number of yearly collections has not been made public, Philosophy Jr. Studio is expected to compete with a myriad of well-known multinational fast-fashion retailers such asH&M, Forever 21, Zara and C&A. The fashion line will be offered at individual brick and mortar boutiques at two shopping malls in Mexico City. With a US$20 million seed investment, Slim’s plan is to have 100 standalone stores by 2017. The brand was established in 2011 and has been sold at Sears Mexico, a unit of Grupo Sanborns, the restaurant, retail, and pharmacy chain owned by Slim.
Slim was married to Soumaya Domit from 1967 until her death in 1999. Among her interests were various philanthropic projects, including the creation of a legal framework for organ donation. Slim has six children: Carlos, Marco Antonio, Patrick, Soumaya, Vanessa, and Johanna. Slim’s fortune has given rise to a family business empire and he often acquires shares on behalf of himself and his children. His three older sons serve in key positions in the companies controlled by Slim where most are involved in the day-to-day running of Slim’s business empire. Slim underwent heart surgery in 1999. In high school, Slim’s favorite subjects were history,cosmography, and mathematics.
In his office, Slim does not keep a computer and instead prefers to keep all his financial data in thoroughly kept notebooks. Slim is well versed in technology but prefers to write by hand instead of on a computer. Due to the vast size of his business empire, Slim often jokes that he can’t keep track of all the companies he manages.
Slim was born on January 28, 1940, in Mexico City, Mexico, to Maronite Catholic parents, Julián Slim Haddad and Linda Helú Atta, both of Lebanese descent. His father, born Khalil Salim Haddad Aglamaz, emigrated to Mexico from Lebanon (then part of Syria in the Ottoman Empire) at the age of 14 in 1902 and changed his name to Julián Slim Haddad. It was not uncommon for Lebanese children to be sent abroad before they reached the age of 15 to avoid being conscripted into the Ottoman Army; four of Haddad’s older brothers were already living in Mexico at the time of his arrival. In August 1926, Julián Slim and Linda Helú married. They had six children: Nour, Alma, Julián, José, Carlos and Linda, with Carlos being the fifth of six children. Julián senior died in 1953, when Slim was just 13 years old. Carlos Slim’s mother, Linda Helú Atta, was born in Parral, Chihuahua, of Lebanese parents who had immigrated to Mexico in the late 19th century. Upon immigrating to Mexico, her parents had founded one of the first Arabic-language magazines for the Lebanese-Mexican community, using a printing press they had brought with them.
In 1911 Julián established a dry goods store, La Estrella de Oriente (The Star of the Orient). La Estrella de Oriente was an important dry goods store located on Venustiano Carranza where it had merchandise worth more than $100,000 by January 21, 1921, only ten years after the business was founded. By 1921, he had begun investing in real estate in the flourishing commercial district of Mexico City where Julián would acquire prime real estate at fire sale prices and in Zocalo District during the 1910–17 Mexican Revolution. By 1922, Julián’s net worth reached $1,012,258 pesos and was diversified within various assets including real estate, businesses and various stocks. These business ventures became the source of considerable wealth for himself and his family. As a result of financial prosperity of these ventures, his father soon became a prominent and wealthy businessman, where he was able to make investments during bad economic cycles due to Mexico’s frequent economic downturns. Julián was known for his business savvy, strong work ethic, and commitment to traditional Lebanese moral values. Having a deep understanding of business that was considered ahead of his time, one of Julián’s many pioneering business concepts was an efficient business as one that sold large volumes at smaller margins, and with payment facilities, factors that are prevalent in many large discount stores today.
On March 29, 2007, Slim surpassed American investor Warren Buffett as the world’s second richest person with an estimated net worth of US$53.1 billion compared with Buffet’s US$52.4 billion.
On August 4, 2007, The Wall Street Journal ran a cover story profiling Slim. The article said, “While the market value of his stake in publicly traded companies could decline at any time, at the moment he is probably wealthier than Bill Gates“. According to The Wall Street Journal, Slim credits part of his ability to “discover investment opportunities” early to the writings of his friend, futurist author Alvin Toffler.
On August 8, 2007, Fortune magazine reported that Slim had overtaken Gates as the world’s richest person. Slim’s estimated fortune soared to US$59 billion, based on the value of his public holdings at the end of July. Gates’ net worth was estimated to be at least US$58 billion.
On March 10, 2010, Forbes once again reported that Slim had overtaken Gates as the world’s richest person, with a net worth of US$53.5 billion. At the time, Gates and Buffett had a net worth of US$53 billion and US$47 billionrespectively. He was the first Mexican to top the list. It was the first time in 16 years that the person on top of the list was not from the United States. It was also the first time the person at the top of the list was from an “emerging economy”. Between 2008 and 2010, Slim more than doubled his net worth from $35 to $75 billion.
In March 2011 Forbes stated that Slim had maintained his position as the wealthiest person in the world, with his fortune estimated at US$74 billion.
In December 2012, according to the Bloomberg Billionaires Index, Carlos Slim Helú remained the world’s richest person with an estimated net worth of US$75.5 billion.
On March 5, 2013, Forbes stated that Slim was still maintaining his first-place position as the wealthiest person in the world, with an estimated net worth of US$73 billion.
On July 15, 2014, Forbes announced that Slim had reclaimed the position of the wealthiest person in the world, with a fortune of US$79.6 billion.
Slim lives in a 6-bedroom home in the Lomas de Chapultepec district of Mexico City, close to where he grew up, that has been his residence for over 40 years. Slim’s real estate holding company Inmobiliaria Carso develops, invests, owns and operates many residential and commercial properties across Mexico. The company owns over 20 shopping centers, including ten in Mexico City, and operates stores in the country under U.S. brands including the Mexican arms of Saks Fifth Avenue, Sears and the Coffee Factory. Slim has been making private real estate investments around the world, particularly in the United States. He has been reported to have acquired 417 Fifth Avenue, an 11-story office tower for US$140 million and also a piece of the former New York Times building on West 43rd street. He controls approximately 8 acres of prime Beverly Hills real estate at the corner of Wilshire and Santa Monica Boulevards. In May 2014 Slim opened Inbursa Aquarium, Latin America’s largest aquarium. Slim owns the Duke Seamans mansion, a 1901 beaux arts house on 5th Avenue in New York City, which he bought for $44 million in 2010. The mansion is 20,000 square feet and has 12 bedrooms, 14 bathrooms, and a doctor’s office in the basement. In May 2015, he listed the property for sale at $80 million, nearly twice what he had paid. In April 2015, Slim bought the Marquette Building in Detroit and purchased PepsiCo Americas Beverages headquarters in Somers, New York for US$87 million. Slim owns a second mansion in New York City at 10 W. 56th St, which he leased early in 2015 to the John Barrett Salon for US$1.5 million annually. The property was bought in 2011 for US$15.5 million.
Slim has been publicly skeptical of The Giving Pledge by Bill Gates and Warren Buffett giving away at least half of their fortunes. But—according to his spokesman—he devoted US$4 billion, or roughly 5%, to his Carlos Slim foundation as of 2011. Though Slim has not gone as far as Gates and Buffett in pledging more than half of his fortune, Slim has expressed firm support for philanthropy and has advised budding entrepreneurs that businessmen must do more than give—they “should participate in solving problems”. Slim has channeled his philanthropic endeavors into many initiatives such as funding a genomic medicine research project, subsidizing numerous arts and education projects in Mexico City, including the Museo Soumaya (named after his late wife), which displays his art collection for no admission fee.
Slim founded three nonprofit foundations concentrating on Mexico City: one for the arts, education, and health care; one for sports; and one for downtown restoration.
Fundación Carlos Slim Helú
Established in 1986 Fundación Carlos Slim Helú sponsors the Museo Soumaya in Mexico City, named after Slim’s late wife, Soumaya Domit, opened 2011. It holds 66,000 pieces, including religious relics, contains the world’s second-largest collection of Rodin sculptures, including The Kiss, the largest Dalí collection in Latin America, works by Leonardo da Vinci, Pablo Picasso, Pierre-Auguste Renoir, and coins from the viceroys of Spain. The inauguration in 2011 was attended by the President of Mexico, Nobel Prize laureates, writers and other celebrities.
After stating that he had donated US$4 billion of dividends to Fundación Carlos Slim Helú, US$2 billion in 2006, and another US$2 billion in 2010, Slim was ranked fifth in Forbes‘ World’s Biggest Givers in May 2011. Education and health care projects have included $100 million to perform 50,000 cataract surgeries in Peru through the Clinton Initiative, a US$20 million fund to strengthen small and medium-size businesses in Colombia, and a digital education program for youth in Mexico, US$150 million for programs in nutrition and disease prevention in Central America with the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation and the government of Spain, US$50 million to work with theWorld Wildlife Fund on restoration of six areas for species in Mexico, including the monarch butterfly and US$100 million on education programs for young people through Colombian singer Shakira’s Alas Foundation.
In 1995 Slim established Fundación Telmex, a broad-ranging philanthropic foundation, which as he announced in 2007 had been provided with an asset base of US$4 billion to establish Carso Institutes for Health, Sports and Education. Furthermore, it was to work in support of an initiative of Bill Clinton to aid the people of Latin America. Because Mexican foundations are not required to publish their financial information, it is not possible to confirm Slim’s claims of charitable giving through a public source. The foundation has organized Copa Telmex, an amateur sports tournament, recognized in 2007 and 2008 by Guinness World Records as having the most participants of any such tournament in the world. Together with Fundación Carlos Slim Helú, Telmex announced in 2008 that it was to invest more than US$250 million in Mexican sports programs, from grass-roots level to Olympic standard. Telmex sponsored the Sauber F1 team for the 2011 season.   Telmex donated at least $1 million to the Clinton Foundation.
Fundación del Centro Histórico de la Ciudad de México A.C.
In 2000, Slim and ex-broadcaster Jacobo Zabludowsky organized the Fundación del Centro Histórico de la Ciudad de México A.C. (Mexico City Historic Center Foundation) to revitalize and rescue Mexico City’s historic downtown area to enable more people to live, work and find entertainment there. He has been Chair of the Council for the Restoration of the Historic Downtown of Mexico City since 2001.
In 2011 he, along with the president of Mexico, Mexico City mayor, and Mexico City archbishop, inaugurated the first phase of Plaza Mariana close to Basilica de Guadalupe. The complex, whose construction was funded by Slim, includes an evangelization center, museum, columbarium, health center, and market.
- Entrepreneurial Merit Medal of Honor in 1985 from Mexico’s Chamber of Commerce.
- “Gold Patron” of the American Academy of Achievement,
- Commander in the Belgian Order of Leopold II
- CEO of the year in 2003 by Latin Trade magazine
- CEO of the decade in 2004 by Latin Trade magazine
- Fundacion Telmex received in 2007 the National Sports Prize of Mexico for sports promotion
- In 2008 his philanthropy was recognised with the award of The National Order of the Cedar by the Lebanese government.
- In 2011 the Hispanic Society of America awarded Fundacion Carlos Slim the Sorolla Medal for its contribution to the arts and culture
- On May 20, 2012. Slim was awarded a Honorary Doctorate in Public Service from George Washington University.
Slim’s growing fortune has been a subject of controversy, because it has been amassed in a developing country where average per capita income does not surpass US$14,500 a year, and nearly 17% of the population lives in poverty. Critics claim that Slim is a monopolist, pointing to Telmex’s control of 90% of the Mexican landline telephone market. Slim’s wealth is the equivalent of roughly 5% of Mexico’s annual economic output. Telmex, of which 49.1% is owned by Slim and his family, charges among the highest usage fees in the world, according to the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development. The average Mexican spends 1.50 pesos per day on Slim’s goods and services for a total of roughly US$140 million a day and the Federal Telecommunications Institute, a new Mexican government anti-monopoly watchdog said in April 2014 that Slim’s telecom businesses are monopolies. Slim’s business presence in Mexico alone is so broad that many Mexicans find it appropriate to call the country “Slimlandia” as it is almost impossible to go a day in Mexico without contributing to Slim’s wealth.
According to Celso Garrido, economist at the Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, Slim’s domination of Mexico’s conglomerates prevents the growth of smaller companies, resulting in a shortage of paying jobs, forcing many Mexicans to seek better lives in the U.S.
In response to the criticism, Slim has stated, “When you live for others’ opinions, you are dead. I don’t want to live thinking about how I’ll be remembered” by Mexican people claiming indifference about his position on Forbes list of the world’s richest people. He has said he has no interest in becoming the world’s richest person. When asked to explain his sudden increase in wealth at a press conference soon after Forbes annual rankings were published, he said, “The stock market goes up … and down”, and noted that his fortune could quickly drop.
Slim was criticized by the Dutch minister of economic affairs, Henk Kamp, in 2013 for attempting to expand his telecom empire beyond the Americas by América Móvil’s buy-out offer to KPN, a Dutch landline and mobile telecommunications company privatized in the 1990s, by stating “an acquisition of KPN by a “foreign company” could have consequences for the Netherland’s national security”. Two years after Slim’s failed bid to take over the company mainly due to political intervention and Slim’s paucity of interest in purchasing the company, Slim’s America Movil SAB began offering 2.25 billion euros of bonds that can be converted into shares of Royal KPN NV. America Movil now controls a 21.1 percent stake of KPN with a market value of 3.1 billion euros as of May 20, 2015. Slim has been slowly decreasing his holdings since he was forced to withdraw a 7.2 billion euro bid for the Dutch phone line carrier in 2013 after negotiations broke down and KPN’s preference share foundation blocked the takeover attempt.
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Rules for Radicals
|Subject||Grassroots, community organizing|
|LC Class||HN65 .A675|
Rules for Radicals: A Pragmatic Primer for Realistic Radicals is the last book published in 1971 by activist and writer Saul D. Alinsky shortly before his death. His goal for theRules for Radicals was to create a guide for future community organizers to use in uniting low-income communities, or “Have-Nots”, in order for them to gain social, political, legal andeconomic power. Within it, Alinsky compiled the lessons he had learned throughout his experiences of community organizing from 1939–1971 and targeted these lessons at the current, new generation of radicals.
Divided into ten chapters, Rules for Radicals provides 10 lessons on how a community organizer can accomplish the goal of successfully uniting people into an active organization with the power to effect change on a variety of issues. Though targeted at community organization, these chapters also touch on other issues that range from ethics, education,communication, and symbol construction to nonviolence and political philosophy.
Though published for the new generation of counterculture-era organizers in 1971, Alinsky’s principles have been successfully applied by numerous government, labor, community, and congregation-based organizations, and the main themes of his organizational methods that were elucidated upon in Rules for Radicals have been recurring elements in political campaigns in recent years.
Inspiration for Rules for Radicals
The inspiration for Rules for Radicals was drawn from Alinsky’s personal experience as a community organizer. It was also taken from the lessons he learned from his University of Chicago professor, Robert Park, who saw communities as “reflections of the larger processes of an urban society”. The methods Alinsky developed and practiced were described in his book as a guide on future community organizing for the new generation of radicals emerging from the 1960s.
Alinsky believed in collective action as a result of the work he did with the C.I.O and the Institute for Juvenile Research in Chicago where he first began to develop his own, distinct method of community organizing. Additionally, his late work with the Citizens Action Program (CAP) provided some of his most whole and conclusive practices in organizing through the empowerment of the poor, though not well-known. Alinsky saw community structure and the impoverished and the importance of their empowerment as elements of community activism and used both as tools to create powerful, active organizations. He also used shared social problems as external antagonists to “heighten local awareness of similarities among residents and their shared differences with outsiders”. Ironically, this was one of Alinsky’s most powerful tools in community organizing; to bring a collective together, he would bring to light an issue that would stir up conflict with some agency to unite the group. This provided an organization with a specific “villain” to confront and made direct action easier to implement. These tactics as a result of decades of organizing efforts, along with many other lessons, were poured into Rules for Radicals to create the guidebook for community organization.
Rules for Radicals has various themes. Among them is his use of symbol construction to strengthen the unity within an organization. He would draw on loyalty to a particular church or religious affiliation to create a structured organization with which to operate. The reason being that symbols by which communities could identify themselves created structured organizations that were easier to mobilize in implementing direct action. Once the community was united behind a common symbol, Alinsky would find a common enemy for the community to be united against.
Alinsky would find an external antagonist to turn into a “common enemy” for the community within which he was operating. Often, this would be a local politician or agency that had some involvement with activity concerning the community. Once the enemy was established, the community would come together in opposition of it. This management of conflict heightened awareness within the community as to the similarities its members shared as well as what differentiated them from those outside of their organization. The use of conflict also allowed for the goal of the group to be clearly defined. With an established external antagonist, the community’s goal would be to defeat that enemy.
Symbol construction helped to promote structured organization, which allowed for nonviolent conflict through another element in Alinsky’s teaching, direct action. Direct action created conflict situations that further established the unity of the community and promoted the accomplishment of achieving the community’s goal of defeating their common enemy. It also brought issues the community was battling to the public eye. Alinsky encouraged over-the-top public demonstrations throughout Rules for Radicals that could not be ignored, and these tactics enabled his organization to progress their goals faster than through normal bureaucratic processes.
Lastly, the main theme throughout Rules for Radicals and Alinsky’s work was empowerment of the poor. Alinsky used symbol construction and nonviolent conflict to create a structured organization with a clearly defined goal that could take direct action against a common enemy. At this point, Alinsky would withdraw from the organization to allow their progress to be powered by the community itself. This empowered the organizations to create change.
- The rules
- “Power is not only what you have, but what the enemy thinks you have.” Power is derived from 2 main sources – money and people. “Have-Nots” must build power from flesh and blood.
- “Never go outside the expertise of your people.” It results in confusion, fear and retreat. Feeling secure adds to the backbone of anyone.
- “Whenever possible, go outside the expertise of the enemy.” Look for ways to increase insecurity, anxiety and uncertainty.
- “Make the enemy live up to its own book of rules.” If the rule is that every letter gets a reply, send 30,000 letters. You can kill them with this because no one can possibly obey all of their own rules.
- “Ridicule is man’s most potent weapon.” There is no defense. It’s irrational. It’s infuriating. It also works as a key pressure point to force the enemy into concessions.
- “A good tactic is one your people enjoy.” They’ll keep doing it without urging and come back to do more. They’re doing their thing, and will even suggest better ones.
- “A tactic that drags on too long becomes a drag.” Don’t become old news.
- “Keep the pressure on. Never let up.” Keep trying new things to keep the opposition off balance. As the opposition masters one approach, hit them from the flank with something new.
- “The threat is usually more terrifying than the thing itself.” Imagination and ego can dream up many more consequences than any activist.
- “The major premise for tactics is the development of operations that will maintain a constant pressure upon the opposition.” It is this unceasing pressure that results in the reactions from the opposition that are essential for the success of the campaign.
- “If you push a negative hard enough, it will push through and become a positive.” Violence from the other side can win the public to your side because the public sympathizes with the underdog.
- “The price of a successful attack is a constructive alternative.” Never let the enemy score points because you’re caught without a solution to the problem.
- “Pick the target, freeze it, personalize it, and polarize it.” Cut off the support network and isolate the target from sympathy. Go after people and not institutions; people hurt faster than institutions.
Alinsky received criticism for the methods and ideas he presented. Robert Pruger and Harry Specht noted that much of his instruction has only been effective in urban, low-income areas. Pruger and Specht also criticized his broad statement that Rules for Radicals is a tool for organizing all low-income people. Further, Alinsky’s use of artificially stimulated conflict has been criticized for its ineffectiveness in areas that thrive on unity. According to Judith Ann Trolander, in several Chicago areas in which he worked, his use of conflict backfired and the community was unable to achieve the policy adjustments they were seeking.
Much of the philosophy of community organization found in Rules for Radicals has also come under question as being overly ideological. Alinsky believed in allowing the community to determine its exact goal. He would produce an enemy for them to conflict with, but the purpose of the conflict was ultimately left up to the community. This idea has been criticized due to the conflicting opinions that can often be present within a group. Alinsky’s belief that an organization can create a goal to accomplish is viewed as highly optimistic and contradictory to his creation of an external antagonist. By producing a common enemy, Alinsky is creating a goal for the community, the defeat of that enemy. To say that the community will create their own goal seems backwards considering Alinsky creates the goal of defeating the enemy. Thus, his belief can be seen as too ideological and contradictory because the organization may turn the goal of defeating the common enemy he produced into their main purpose.
The scope of influence for Rules for Radicals is a far-reaching one as it is a compilation of the tactics of Alinsky. It has been influential for policymaking and organization for various communities and agency groups, and has influenced politicians and activists educated by Alinsky and the IAF, and other grassroots movements.
After Alinsky died in California in 1972, his influence helped spawn other organizations and policy changes. Rules for Radicals was a direct influence that helped to form the United Neighborhood Organization in the early 1980s. Its founders Greg Galluzzo, Mary Gonzales, and Pater Martinez were all students of Alinsky. The work of UNO helped to improve the hygiene, sanitation, and education in southeastern Chicago. Additionally, the founders of Organization of the North East in Chicago during the 1970s applied Alinsky’s principles to organize multiethnic neighborhoods in order to gain greater political representation.
Rules for Radicals have been dispersed by Alinsky’s students who undertook their own community organizing endeavors. Students of Alinsky’s such as Edward T. Chambers used Rules for Radicals to help form the Industrial Areas Foundation, the Queens Citizens Organization, and the Communities Organized for Public Service. Another student of Alinsky’s, Ernest Cortez, rose to prominence in the late 1970s in San Antonio while organizingHispanic neighborhoods. His use of congregation-based organizing received much acclaim as a popular method of Alinsky’s by utilizing “preexisting solidary neighborhood elements, especially church groups, so that the constituent units are organizations, not individuals.” This congregation-based organizing and symbol construction was taught to him by Edward Chambers and the IAF during his time studying under both.
The methods and teachings of Rules for Radicals have also been linked to the Mid-America Institute, the National People’s Action, the National Training and Information Center, the Pacific Institute for Community Organizations, and the Community Service Organization.
The methods from Rules for Radicals have been seen in modern American politics. The use of congregation-based organizing has been linked to Jesse Jackson when he was organizing his own political campaign. The book was praised and used as an organizational guide by the Tea Party conservative group FreedomWorks during Dick Armey‘s tenure as chairman.
- Rules for Radicals: A Pragmatic Primer for Realistic Radicals (1971) Random House, ISBN 0394443411; Vintage books paperback: ISBN 0679721134
- Rules for Radicals, by Saul Alinsky
- Trolander, Judith Ann (1982). “Social Change: Settlement Houses and Saul Alinsky, 1939–1965”. Social Service Review. University of Chicago Press. 56 (3): 346–65. ISSN 1537-5404. JSTOR 30011558 – viaJSTOR. (registration required (help)).
- Reitzes, Donald C.; Reitzes, Dietrich C. (1987). “Alinsky in the 1980s: Two Contemporary Chicago Community Organizations”. The Sociological Quarterly. Midwest Sociological Society.28 (2): 265–83. doi:10.1111/j.1533-8525.1987.tb00294.x. ISSN 1533-8525. JSTOR 4121434 – via JSTOR. (registration required (help)).
- “Playboy Interview: Saul Alinsky”. Playboy Magazine. March 1972.
- McCarthy, John D. (1989). “The Alinsky Legacy: Alive and Kicking.by Donald C. Reitzes, Dietrich C. Reitzes”. Contemporary Sociology.American Sociological Association. 18 (1): 46–7. ISSN 1939-8638.JSTOR 2071926 – via JSTOR. (registration required (help)).
- Marshall, Dale Rogers (1976). “Rules for Radicals: A Pragmatic Primer for Realistic Radicals by Saul D. Alinsky; How People Get Power: Organizing Oppressed Communities for Action by Si Kahn; Action for a Change: A Student’s Manual for Public Interest Organizing by Ralph Nader, Donald Ross; Winning Elections: A Handbook in Participatory Politics by Dick Simpson; Political Action: A Practical Guide to Movement Politics by Michael Walzer”. The American Political Science Review. American Political Science Association. 70 (2): 620–3. doi:10.2307/1959680. ISSN 1537-5943.JSTOR 1959680 – via JSTOR. (registration required (help)).
- Pruger, Robert; Harry Specht (June 1969). “Assessing Theoretical Models of Community Organization Practice: Alinsky as a Case in Point”.Social Service Review. 43 (2): 123. doi:10.1086/642363.JSTOR 30020552.
- Swarts, Heidi (2011). “Drawing New Symbolic Boundaries Over Old Social Boundaries: Forging Social Movement Unity in Congregation-Based Community Organizing”. Sociological Perspectives. Sage Publications. 54(3): 453–77. doi:10.1525/sop.2011.54.3.453. ISSN 1533-8673.JSTOR 10.1525/sop.2011.54.3.453 – via JSTOR. (registration required (help)).
- Knickerbocker, Brad (January 28, 2012). “Who is Saul Alinsky, and why is Newt Gingrich so obsessed with him?”. Christian Science Monitor. Retrieved July 22, 2016.
- Vogel, Kenneth P. (October 22, 2010). “Right loves to hate, imitate Alinsky”. Politico. Retrieved September 11, 2016.
|Born||Saul David Alinsky
January 30, 1909
Chicago, Illinois, U.S.
|Died||June 12, 1972 (aged 63)
Carmel-by-the-Sea, California, U.S.
|Cause of death||Heart attack|
|Education||University of Chicago, Ph.B.1930
U. of Chicago Graduate School, criminology, 1930–1932
|Occupation||Community organizer, writer,political activist|
|Known for||Political activism, writing,community organization|
|Notable work||Rules for Radicals (1971)|
|Children||Katherine and David (by Helene)|
|Awards||Pacem in Terris Award, 1969|
Saul David Alinsky (January 30, 1909 – June 12, 1972) was an American community organizer and writer. He is generally considered to be the founder of modern community organizing. He is often noted for his 1971 book Rules for Radicals.
In the course of nearly four decades of political organizing, Alinsky received much criticism, but also gained praise from many public figures. His organizing skills were focused on improving the living conditions of poor communities across America. In the 1950s, he began turning his attention to improving conditions in the African-American ghettos, beginning with Chicago’s and later traveling to other ghettos in California, Michigan, New York City, and a dozen other “trouble spots”.
His ideas were adapted in the 1960s by some U.S. college students and other young counterculture-era organizers, who used them as part of their strategies for organizing on campus and beyond. Time magazine wrote in 1970 that “It is not too much to argue that American democracy is being altered by Alinsky’s ideas.” Conservative author William F. Buckley Jr. said in 1966 that Alinsky was “very close to being an organizational genius”.
Saul David Alinsky was born in 1909 in Chicago, Illinois, to Russian Jewish immigrant parents, the only surviving son of Benjamin Alinsky’s marriage to his second wife, Sarah Tannenbaum Alinsky. Alinsky stated during an interview that his parents never became involved in the “new socialist movement.” He added that they were “strict Orthodox, their whole life revolved around work and synagogue … I remember as a kid being told how important it was to study.” He attended Marshall High School in Chicago until his parents divorced and then went to live with his father who moved to California, graduating from Hollywood High School in 1926.
Because of his strict Jewish upbringing, he was asked whether he ever encountered antisemitism while growing up in Chicago. He replied, “it was so pervasive you didn’t really even think about it; you just accepted it as a fact of life.” He considered himself to be a devout Jew until the age of 12, after which time he began to fear that his parents would force him to become a rabbi.
I went through some pretty rapid withdrawal symptoms and kicked the habit … But I’ll tell you one thing about religious identity…Whenever anyone asks me my religion, I always say—and always will say—Jewish.
University of Chicago
In 1930, Alinsky graduated with a Bachelor of Philosophy from the University of Chicago, where he majored in archaeology, a subject that fascinated him. His plans to become a professional archaeologist were changed due to the ongoing economic Depression. He later stated, “Archaeologists were in about as much demand as horses and buggies. All the guys who funded the field trips were being scraped off Wall Street sidewalks.”
After attending two years of graduate school at the University of Chicago, he accepted work for the state of Illinois as a criminologist. On a part-time basis, he also began working as an organizer with the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO). By 1939, he became less active in the labor movement and became more active in general community organizing, starting with the Back of the Yards and other poor areas on the South Side of Chicago. His early efforts to “turn scattered, voiceless discontent into a united protest” earned the admiration of Illinois governor Adlai Stevenson, who said Alinsky’s aims “most faithfully reflect our ideals of brotherhood, tolerance, charity and dignity of the individual.”
As a result of his efforts and success at helping slum communities, Alinsky spent the next 10 years repeating his organization work across the nation, “from Kansas City and Detroit to the barrios of Southern California.” By 1950 he turned his attention to the black ghettos of Chicago. His actions aroused the ire of Mayor Richard J. Daley, who also acknowledged that “Alinsky loves Chicago the same as I do.” He traveled to California at the request of the San Francisco Bay Area Presbyterian Churches to help organize the black ghetto in Oakland. Hearing of his plans, “the panic-stricken Oakland City Council promptly introduced a resolution banning him from the city.”
Community organizing and politics
In the 1930s, Alinsky organized the Back of the Yards neighborhood in Chicago (made infamous by Upton Sinclair‘s 1906 novel, The Jungle, which described the horrific working conditions in the Union Stock Yards). He went on to found the Industrial Areas Foundation while organizing the Woodlawn neighborhood; IAF trained organizers and assisted in the founding of community organizations around the country.
In Rules for Radicals (his final work, published in 1971 one year before his death), Alinsky wrote at the end of his personal acknowledgements:
Lest we forget at least an over-the-shoulder acknowledgment to the very first radical: from all our legends, mythology, and history (and who is to know where mythology leaves off and history begins or which is which), the first radical known to man who rebelled against the establishment and did it so effectively that he at least won his own kingdom – Lucifer.
In the book, he addressed the 1960s generation of radicals, outlining his views on organizing for mass power. In the opening paragraph Alinsky writes,
What follows is for those who want to change the world from what it is to what they believe it should be. The Prince was written by Machiavelli for the Haves on how to hold power. Rules for Radicals is written for the Have-Nots on how to take it away.
Alinsky did not join political parties. When asked during an interview whether he ever considered becoming a Communist Party member, he replied:
Not at any time. I’ve never joined any organization—not even the ones I’ve organized myself. I prize my own independence too much. And philosophically, I could never accept any rigid dogma or ideology, whether it’s Christianity or Marxism. One of the most important things in life is what Judge Learned Hand described as ‘that ever-gnawing inner doubt as to whether you’re right.’ If you don’t have that, if you think you’ve got an inside track to absolute truth, you become doctrinaire, humorless and intellectually constipated. The greatest crimes in history have been perpetrated by such religious and political and racial fanatics, from the persecutions of the Inquisition on down to Communist purges and Nazi genocide.
He did not have much respect for mainstream political leaders who tried to interfere with growing black–white unity during the difficult years of the Great Depression. In Alinsky’s view, new voices and new values were being heard in the U.S., and “people began citing John Donne‘s ‘No man is an island.'” He observed that the hardship affecting all classes of the population was causing them to start “banding together to improve their lives,” and discovering how much in common they really had with their fellow man.
Alinsky once explained that his reasons for organizing in black communities included:
Negroes were being lynched regularly in the South as the first stirrings of black opposition began to be felt, and many of the white civil rights organizers and labor agitators who had started to work with them were tarred and feathered, castrated—or killed. Most Southern politicians were members of the Ku Klux Klan and had no compunction about boasting of it.
Alinsky’s tactics were often unorthodox. In Rules for Radicals he wrote,
[t]he job of the organizer is to maneuver and bait the establishment so that it will publicly attack him as a ‘dangerous enemy.’ [According to Alinsky], the hysterical instant reaction of the establishment [will] not only validate [the organizer’s] credentials of competency but also ensure automatic popular invitation.
As an example, after organizing FIGHT (an acronym for Freedom, Independence [subsequently Integration], God, Honor, Today) in Rochester, New York, Alinsky once threatened to stage a “fart in” to disrupt the sensibilities of the city’s establishment at a Rochester Philharmonic concert. FIGHT members were to consume large quantities of baked beans after which, according to author Nicholas von Hoffman, “FIGHT’s increasingly gaseous music-loving members would tie themselves to the concert hall where they would sit expelling gaseous vapors with such noisy velocity as to compete with the woodwinds.” Satisfied with his threat yielding action, Alinsky later threatened a “piss in” at Chicago O’Hare Airport. Alinsky planned to arrange for large numbers of well-dressed African Americans to occupy the urinals and toilets at O’Hare for as long as it took to bring the city to the bargaining table. According to Alinsky, once again the threat alone was sufficient to produce results. In Rules for Radicals, he notes that this tactic fell under two of his rules: Rule #3: Wherever possible, go outside the experience of the enemy; and Rule #4: Ridicule is man’s most potent weapon.
Alinsky described his plans for 1972 to begin to organize the white middle class across the United States, and the necessity of that project. He believed that many Americans were living in frustration and despair, worried about their future, and ripe for a turn to radical social change, to become politically active citizens. He feared the middle class could be driven to a right-wing viewpoint, “making them ripe for the plucking by some guy on horseback promising a return to the vanished verities of yesterday.” His stated motive: “I love this goddamn country, and we’re going to take it back.”
Alinsky died at the age of 63 from a heart attack near his home in Carmel, California, on June 12, 1972. He was cremated in Carmel and his ashes were interred at Mt. Mayriv Cemetery (the cemetery is now included in Zion Gardens Cemetery) in Chicago. Shortly before his death he had discussed life after death in Playboy:
- ALINSKY: … if there is an afterlife, and I have anything to say about it, I will unreservedly choose to go to hell.
- PLAYBOY: Why?
- ALINSKY: Hell would be heaven for me. All my life I’ve been with the have-nots. Over here, if you’re a have-not, you’re short of dough. If you’re a have-not in hell, you’re short of virtue. Once I get into hell, I’ll start organizing the have-nots over there.
- PLAYBOY: Why them?
- ALINSKY: They’re my kind of people.
Legacy and honors
The documentary, The Democratic Promise: Saul Alinsky and His Legacy, states that “Alinsky championed new ways to organize the poor and powerless that created a backyard revolution in cities across America.” Based on his organizing in Chicago, Alinsky formed the Industrial Areas Foundation (IAF) in 1940. After he died, Edward T. Chambers became its Executive Director. Hundreds of professional community and labor organizers, and thousands of community and labor leaders have been trained at its workshops. Fred Ross, who worked for Alinsky, was the principal mentor for Cesar Chavez and Dolores Huerta. Other organizations following in the tradition of the Congregation-based Community Organizing pioneered by IAF include PICO National Network, Gamaliel Foundation, Brooklyn Ecumenical Cooperatives, founded by former IAF trainer, Richard Harmon and Direct Action and Research Training Center (DART).
Several prominent American leaders have been influenced by Alinsky’s teachings, including Ed Chambers, Tom Gaudette, Ernesto Cortes, Michael Gecan, Wade Rathke, and Patrick Crowley. Alinsky is often credited with laying the foundation for the grassroots political organizing that dominated the 1960s. Jack Newfield, writing in New York magazine, included Alinsky among “the purest Avatars of the populist movement”, along with Ralph Nader, Cesar Chavez, and Jesse Jackson.
In 1969, while a political science major at Wellesley College, Hillary Rodham chose to write her senior thesis on Alinsky’s work, with Alinsky himself contributing his own time to help her. Although Rodham defended Alinksy’s intentions in her thesis, she was critical of his methods and dogmatism. (Years later when she became First Lady, the thesis was not made publicly available by the school based upon a White House request.)
According to biographer Sanford Horwitt, U.S. President Barack Obama was influenced by Alinsky and followed in his footsteps as a Chicago-based community organizer. Horwitt asserted that Barack Obama’s 2008 presidential campaign was influenced by Alinsky’s teachings. Alinksy’s influence on Obama has been heavily emphasized by some of his detractors, such as Rush Limbaugh and Glenn Beck. Thomas Sugrue of Salon.com writes, “as with all conspiracy theories, the Alinsky-Obama link rests on a kernel of truth”. For three years in the mid 80s, Obama worked for the Developing Communities Project, which was influenced by Alinsky’s work, and he wrote an essay that was collected in a book memorializing Alinsky. Newt Gingrich repeatedly stated his opinion that Alinsky was a major influence on Obama during his 2012 presidential campaign, equating Alinsky with “European Socialism”, although Alinsky was U.S.-born and was not a Socialist. Gingrich’s campaign itself used tactics described by Alinsky’s writing.
Adam Brandon, a spokesman for the conservative non-profit organization FreedomWorks, one of several groups involved in organizing Tea Party protests, says the group gives Alinsky’s Rules for Radicals to its top leadership members. A shortened guide called Rules for Patriots is distributed to its entire network. In a January 2012 story that appeared in The Wall Street Journal, citing the organization’s tactic of sending activists to town-hall meetings, Brandon explained, “[Alinsky’s] tactics when it comes to grass-roots organizing are incredibly effective.” Former Republican House Majority Leader Dick Armey also gives copies of Alinsky’s book Rules for Radicals to Tea Party leaders.
- Community development
- Community education
- Community practice
- Community psychology
- Critical consciousness
- Critical psychology
- Organization workshop
- Reveille for Radicals, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1946.
- John L. Lewis: An Unauthorized Biography. New York: Putnam, 1949.
- Rules for Radicals: A Pragmatic Primer for Realistic Radicals. New York: Random House, 1971.
- The Philosopher and the Provocateur: The Correspondence of Jacques Maritain and Saul Alinsky. Bernard E Doering (ed.). Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press, 1994.
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Government Collects $3.27 Trillion in Taxes in Fiscal Year 2016
Gov’t still runs $587 billion deficit despite collecting record taxes
October 14, 2016 4:35 pm
The federal government collected $3.27 trillion in taxes in fiscal year 2016, according to the latest monthly Treasury Departmentstatement. The federal government ran a deficit of $587 billion despite the record revenue.
Treasury receipts include tax revenue from individual income taxes, corporate income taxes, social insurance and retirement taxes, unemployment insurance taxes, excise taxes, estate and gift taxes, customs duties, and other miscellaneous items.
After adjusting for inflation, the amount of taxes collected by the federal government in fiscal year 2016 is slightly lower than the $3.3 trillion the government collected in fiscal year 2015. The 2016 fiscal year begins on Oct. 1, 2015, and runs through Sept. 30, 2016.
The federal government collected $3,266,688,000,000 from October through September in fiscal year 2016. Most of the $3.27 trillion came from individual income taxes, which comprised almost half of that total at $1.55 trillion.
Although the federal government brought in approximately $3.27 trillion in revenue in fiscal 2016, according to the Treasury, it also spent approximately $3.85 trillion, leaving a deficit of approximately $587 billion.
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