The Pronk Pops Show 830, February 2, 2017, Story 1: Big Lie Media’s and Political Elitist Establishment’s Worse Nightmare and Boogeyman — Bannon — Telling Truth To Power — Warfare and Welfare State Busted! — Hush Hush Here Comes The Boogeyman — Santa Claus Socialism Meets The Boogeyman — Videos

Posted on February 3, 2017. Filed under: American History, Blogroll, Breaking News, Congress, Constitutional Law, Corruption, Countries, Donald J. Trump, Donald Trump, Elections, History, House of Representatives, Human, Illegal Immigration, Immigration, Law, Legal Immigration, Life, Media, News, Philosophy, Photos, Politics, Polls, President Trump, Presidential Appointments, Radio, Raymond Thomas Pronk, Senate, Success, Taxation, Taxes, Terror, Terrorism, Unemployment, United States Constitution, Videos, Violence, Wall Street Journal, War, Wealth, Wisdom | Tags: , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , |

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The Pronk Pops Show Podcasts

Pronk Pops Show 830: February 2, 2017

Pronk Pops Show 829: February 1, 2017

Pronk Pops Show 828: January 31, 2017

Pronk Pops Show 827: January 30, 2017

Pronk Pops Show 826: January 27, 2017 

Pronk Pops Show 825: January 26, 2017

Pronk Pops Show 824: January 25, 2017 

Pronk Pops Show 823: January 24, 2017

Pronk Pops Show 822: January 23, 2017

Pronk Pops Show 821: January 20, 2017

Pronk Pops Show 820: January 19, 2017

Pronk Pops Show 819: January 18, 2017

Pronk Pops Show 818: January 17, 2017

Pronk Pops Show 817: January 13, 2017

Pronk Pops Show 816: January 12, 2017

Pronk Pops Show 815: January 11, 2017

Pronk Pops Show 814: January 10,  2017

Pronk Pops Show 813: January 9, 2017

Pronk Pops Show 812: December 12, 2016

Pronk Pops Show 811: December 9, 2016

Pronk Pops Show 810: December 8, 2016

Pronk Pops Show 809: December 7, 2016

Pronk Pops Show 808: December 6, 2016

Pronk Pops Show 807: December 5, 2016

Pronk Pops Show 806: December 2, 2016

Pronk Pops Show 805: December 1, 2016

Pronk Pops Show 804: November 30, 2016

Pronk Pops Show 803: November 29, 2016

Pronk Pops Show 802: November 28, 2016

Pronk Pops Show 801: November 22, 2016

Pronk Pops Show 800: November 21, 2016

Pronk Pops Show 799: November 18, 2016

Pronk Pops Show 798: November 17, 2016

Pronk Pops Show 797: November 16, 2016

Pronk Pops Show 796: November 15, 2016

Pronk Pops Show 795: November 14, 2016

Pronk Pops Show 794: November 10, 2016

Pronk Pops Show 793: November 9, 2016

Pronk Pops Show 792: November 8, 2016

Pronk Pops Show 791: November 7, 2016

Pronk Pops Show 790: November 4, 2016

Pronk Pops Show 789: November 3, 2016

Pronk Pops Show 788: November 2, 2016

Story 1: Big Lie Media’s and Political Elitist Establishment’s Worse Nightmare and Boogeyman — Bannon — Telling Truth To Power — Warfare and Welfare State Busted! — Hush Hush Here Comes The Boogeyman — Santa Claus Socialism Meets The Boogeyman — Videos

See Steve Bannon’s Life in PicturesImage result for steve bannonImage result for steve bannonImage result for steve bannon with president trumpImage result for steve bannon with president trumpImage result for democratic party losses state and federalImage result for democratic party losses state and federalImage result for democratic party losses state and federalboogeyman /ˈbʊgiˌmæn/ noun

plural bogeymen /-ˌmɛn/ /ˈbʊgiˌmɛn/
Learner’s definition of BOGEYMAN
[count]

: an imaginary monster that is used to frighten children

: a person who is hated or feared by a group of people

http://www.learnersdictionary.com/definition/bogeyman

busted

Also found in: Thesaurus, Medical, Financial, Idioms, Encyclopedia, Wikipedia.

bust·ed

(bŭs′tĭd)

adj.

1. Slang

a. Smashed or broken: busted glass; a busted rib.
b. Out of order; inoperable: a busted vending machine.
2. Bankrupt or out of funds: I’d offer to pay, but I’m busted.
3. Tamed or broken: a busted bronco.
4. SlangPlaced under arrest.
Image result for unfunded liabilities for united stATES 2016

National Debt and Unfunded Liabilities Clock

Steve Bannon’s behind-the-scenes influence on Trump

Trump Adds Bannon to NSC, Raising Concerns

Behind Steve Bannon’s rise to power in Trump’s White House

Vice President Pence on Steve Bannon’s influence in the White House

SEAN SPICER JUST REVEALED THE REAL REASON TRUMP HIRED STEVE BANNON

Sean Spicer On Steve Bannon’s Controversy And The Travel Ban | Morning Joe | MSNBC

Debate: Is Steve Bannon a white supremacist?

Trump biographer reveals the real way to get rid of Steve Bannon is to raise his profile

Trump Adviser Steve Bannon Tells Press to “Keep Its Mouth Shut”

Steve Bannon Lays Out His AMAZING Political Philosophy

Published on Nov 18, 2016

Speech by Stephen K. Bannon (Steve Bannon), Donald Trump’s senior strategic advisor and architect of his winning 2016 election. In this speech delivered to the Liberty Restoration Foundation, Bannon layed out the poliitical philosophy both he and Trump embrace, and which appealed to the American people in the election. It is conservative, perhaps explaining why the political liberal left has resorted to evidently incorrect allegations of antisemitism or racism to try to derail his appointment. Bannon was a Hollywood producer who invested in the Seinfeld comedy TV series, and later became the chair of the Brietbart News Service, expanding it into one of the leading news sources nationally, as an alternative to liberal media outlets that previously dominated US media. He joined the Trump campaign in June 2016, leading him to victory and the White House. Do you think that Bannon is racist, as the democrats have alleged?

Off the books: fiscal gap accounting

Laurence Kotlikoff-US in Worse Shape Financially Than Russia

Steven K. Bannon Opening Remarks

The Untruth About Steve Bannon | Donald Trump’s Chief Strategist

Newt Gingrich Dismisses Alt-Left Crying About Steve Bannon Being Trump’s Top Adviser

Ben Shapiro on Steve Bannon, and leftist media crying over Trump ignoring them

Ben Shapiro Breaks Down Steve Bannon..

GLENN BECK Rection to Donald Trump selecting Bannon

RWW News: Glenn Beck Says That Steve Bannon ‘Is A Terrifying Man’

Steve Bannon’s ex-business partner Julia Jones speaks to CNN

Van Jones Pissed About Donald Trump and Steve Bannon

Steve Bannon To Media: Keep Your Mouth Shut

URGENT: THIS IS THE BANNON INTERVIEW THE MAINSTREAM MEDIA DOESN’T WANT YOU TO SEE

Generation Zero Full Documentary | Citizens United – Documentaries

The Undefeated Director Stephen K. Bannon on Hannity

Is the Democratic Party in serious trouble?

Here comes the Boogeyman Lyrics

Nightmare Before Christmas: Boogie man’s song

See Steve Bannon’s Life in Pictures

Ryan Teague Beckwith

Steve Bannon has had an unusual path to working in the White House.

After growing up in a working-class Irish Catholic Democratic family in Virginia, Bannon served in the U.S. Navy, worked as an investment banker at Goldman Sachs, produced movies and ran the the conservative website Breitbart News before going to work for Trump’s campaign.

A recent TIME cover story asked if Bannon is “the second most powerful man in the world” for the role he has played since Trump moved into the Oval Office.

In his job as a strategist for President Trump, Bannon helped draft the uncharacteristically dark inaugural address, pushed the controversial travel ban, criticized the mainstream media and negotiated a standing invitation to the National Security Council.

He’s also faced criticism, both from grassroots liberals online as well as Democratic leaders.

See a gallery of rare photographs of Steve Bannon’s life.

https://www.yahoo.com/news/see-steve-bannon-life-pictures-181134340.html

steve-bannon-donald-trump-advisor-andrew-harnik
Bannon, second from right, paces the Oval Office Jan. 28 as President Trump speaks with Russian President Vladimir Putin. Andrew Harnik—AP

Is Steve Bannon the Second Most Powerful Man in the World?

David Von Drehle

Feb 02, 2017

Most modern Presidents chart their opening moves with the help of a friendly think tank or a set of long-held beliefs.

Donald Trump’s first steps had the feel of a documentary film made by his chief strategist and alter ego Stephen K. Bannon, a director who deploys ravenous sharks, shrieking tornadoes and mushroom clouds as reliably as John Ford shot Monument Valley.

Act I of the Trump presidency has been filled with disruption, as promised by Trump and programmed by Bannon, with plenty of resistance in reply, from both inside and outside the government. Perhaps this should not be surprising. Trump told America many times in 2016 that his would be no ordinary Administration. Having launched his campaign as a can-do chief executive, he came to see himself as the leader of a movement–and no movement is complete without its commissar. Bannon is the one who keeps the doctrine pure, the true believer, who is in it not for money or position, but to change history. “What we are witnessing now is the birth of a new political order,” Bannon wrote in an email to the Washington Post.

This forceful presence has already opened cracks in West Wing. The Administration was barely a week old when, on the evening of Jan. 27–with little or no explanation to agency heads, congressional leaders or the press–Trump shut down America’s refugee program for 120 days (indefinitely in the case of Syrian refugees), while barring travelers from seven majority-Muslim countries. Almost immediately, U.S. customs and border agents began collaring airline passengers covered by the order, including more than 100 people whose green cards or valid visas would have been sufficient for entry if only they had taken an earlier flight. Protesters grabbed markers and cardboard scraps and raced to airports from coast to coast, where television cameras found them by the thousands.

As the storm reached the gates of the White House on Saturday, many of the West Wing’s senior staff had departed to attend the secretive Alfalfa Club annual dinner, an off-the-record black-tie soiree where politicos drink and tell jokes with billionaires. But Bannon avoided this gathering of the elites he believes to be doomed, and remained at the White House to continue the shock and awe.

Having already helped draft the dark and scathing Inaugural Address and impose the refugee ban, Bannon proceeded to light the national-security apparatus on fire by negotiating a standing invitation for himself to the National Security Council. His fingerprints were suddenly everywhere: when Trump tweeted on Jan. 30 that the national media was his “opposition party,” he was echoing Bannon’s comment a few days earlier to the New York Times.

There is only one President at a time, and Donald Trump is not one to cede authority. But in the early days at 1600 Pennsylvania, the portly and rumpled Bannon (the only male aide who dared to visit Trump’s office without a suit and tie) has the tools to become as influential as any staffer in memory. Colleagues have dubbed him “the Encyclopedia” for the range of information he carries in his head; but more than any of that, Bannon has a mind-meld with Trump. “They are both really great storytellers,” says Kellyanne Conway, counselor to the President, of their bond. “The President and Steve share an important trait of absorbing information and weighing consequences.”

They share the experience of being talkative and brash, pugnacious money magnets who never quite fit among the elite. A Democrat by heritage and Republican by choice, Bannon has come to see both parties as deeply corrupt, a belief that has shaped his recent career as a polemical filmmaker and Internet bomb thrower. A party guest recalled meeting him as a private citizen and Bannon telling him that he was like Lenin, eager to “bring everything crashing down, and destroy all of today’s Establishment.”

And by different paths, he and Trump have found themselves at the same philosophical destinations on issues of trade, immigration, public safety, the environment, political decay and much more.

President Trump Fires Acting Attorney General Sally Yates After She Defied Immigration Order
President Donald Trump fired the acting attorney general of the United States after she publicly questioned the constitutionality of his refugee and immigration ban and refused to defend it in court

Yet Bannon’s prominence in the first 10 days of the Administration–and the scenes of confusion and disorder that are his disruptive hallmark–has rattled the West Wing and perhaps even dismayed the President. According to senior Administration officials, Trump hauled in some half-dozen of his key advisers for a brisk dressing-down. Everything goes through chief of staff Reince Priebus, he directed. Nothing flows that hasn’t been scheduled by his deputy Katie Walsh. “You’re going to see probably a slower, more deliberative process,” one official told TIME.

Still, Bannon possesses that dearest of Washington currencies: walk-in privileges for the Oval Office. And he is the one who has been most successful in focusing Trump on a winning message. While other advisers have tried to change Trump, Bannon has urged him to step on the gas.

Both of these images, the orderly office and the glorious crusade, have genuine appeal for the President. And they will likely continue to pull him in opposite directions. By marking Trump’s first days so vividly, Bannon has put the accent on Trump the disrupter. In that sense, as one veteran Republican said, “It’s already over, and Bannon won.”

White House Chief Strategist Steve Bannon listens to President Donald Trump at the beginning of a meeting with government cyber security experts in the Roosevelt Room at the White House, on Jan. 31, 2017.
White House Chief Strategist Steve Bannon listens to President Donald Trump at the beginning of a meeting with government cyber security experts in the Roosevelt Room at the White House, on Jan. 31, 2017. Chip Somodevilla—Getty Images

People who have studied one of Donald Trump’s favorite books, The Art of the Deal, are aware that he sees grandstanding, trash-talking, boasting and conflict as useful ingredients in the quest for success. “My style of dealmaking is quite simple and straightforward,” he declares in his opus. “I aim very high, and then I just keep pushing and pushing and pushing to get what I’m after.”

Perhaps no place in the U.S. is more adamantly resistant to pushing than Washington. But Trump won the election in part by understanding that this is no ordinary time. Technology has placed a communications revolution in nearly every American palm. When mixed with the economic frustrations of a globalized economy, this power unleashed a new populism. In the history of human beings, it has never been easier to organize groups, for good or ill, or to communicate both truth and lies, to question authority and to undermine the answers that authority gives. Trump leveraged this growing power to bypass the traditional gatekeepers of power–the media, the political parties, the elected and unelected bosses.

Bannon’s background at Breitbart taught him the same lessons. Founded as an alternative to mainstream media by the late Andrew Breitbart, the website was an immediate disruptive force in U.S. politics. Ask Anthony Weiner. In 2011, the New York Congressman was a darling of the Democratic grassroots with sky-high ambitions. Then Breitbart published a screen grab from Weiner’s Twitter feed that opened a door on his late-night sexting habits. Social media did the rest. The sudden death of the founder in 2012 placed his friend Bannon in command. As the site ramped up its video, radio and merchandising and opened several bureaus overseas, Breitbart honed the art of the inflammatory headline and offered a home to the bullyboys of the so-called alt right, including those determined to elevate the abhorrent ideals of white nationalism.

The essence of the place could be found in a viral video that made its debut around the time of Bannon’s takeover of Breitbart. Over a piece of old nature footage, a clever narrator commented on a single-minded beast known as a honey badger. Through bee stings, snakebites and other degradations, the animal never stops killing and eating. “Honey Badger don’t give a shit,” the narrator summed up. Bannon adopted the phrase as a motto.

Official Washington and its counterparts around the globe are struggling to understand just how much the honey badgers are now running the show. There is no doubt the badgers are starving for change and don’t care if they get stung by swarms of pundits, incumbents, lobbyists and donors–not to mention foreign leaders and denizens of Davos. In fact, they seem to like it.

The capital was in a lather over the immigration order, with denunciations pouring in from Republicans and Democrats alike. Rumors swirled of resignations from the Trump White House, when Trump’s policy badger, Stephen Miller, a Bannon ally, calmly stepped before the cameras. “Anytime you do anything hugely successful that challenges a failed orthodoxy, you’re going to see protests,” he told CBS News. “In fact, if nobody is disagreeing with what you’re doing, then you’re probably not doing anything that really matters in the scheme of things.”

The withering fire Trump has drawn from nearly every direction would normally have a President backpedaling. Not the badgers. In Trump country, the vast red sea of Middle America where the President won the election, many people welcomed the squeals of the outraged elites. As one delighted Kansas City businessman put it, “He’s upsetting all the right people.”

Bannon helps Trump remember that he never made a priority of being a uniter, as George W. Bush did, nor did he offer to heal our divisions in the manner of Barack Obama. The new President has crafted himself as a defender of the “forgotten people,” which places in his sight those with powerful names you already know. With new goals came new thinking. “People tell us that things have always been done a certain way,” said one trusted Trump aide. “We say, Yes, but look at the results. It hasn’t worked. We’re trying a new way.”

On this Trump and Bannon agree. What happens next is the mystery. Trump, in his long past as a businessman, has always aimed his disruptions at the goal of an eventual handshake: the deal. Bannon, in his films and radio shows, has shown a more apocalyptic bent.

Sometime in the early 2000s, Bannon was captivated by a book called The Fourth Turning by generational theorists William Strauss and Neil Howe. The book argues that American history can be described in a four-phase cycle, repeated again and again, in which successive generations have fallen into crisis, embraced institutions, rebelled against those institutions and forgotten the lessons of the past–which invites the next crisis. These cycles of roughly 80 years each took us from the revolution to the Civil War, and then to World War II, which Bannon might point out was taking shape 80 years ago. During the fourth turning of the phase, institutions are destroyed and rebuilt.

In an interview with TIME, author Howe recalled that Bannon contacted him more than a decade ago about making a film based on the book. That eventually led to Generation Zero, released in 2010, in which Bannon cast the 2008 financial crisis as a sign that the turning was upon us. Howe agrees with the analysis, in part. In each cycle, the postcrisis generation, in this case the baby boomers, eventually rises to “become the senior leaders who have no memory of the last crisis, and they are always the ones who push us into the next one,” Howe said.

But Bannon, who once called himself the “patron saint of commoners,” seemed to relish the opportunity to clean out the old order and build a new one in its place, casting the political events of the nation as moments of extreme historical urgency, pivot points for the world. Historian David Kaiser played a featured role in Generation Zero, and he recalls his filmed interview with Bannon as an engrossing and enjoyable experience.

And yet, he told TIME, he was taken aback when Bannon began to argue that the current phase of history foreshadowed a massive new war. “I remember him saying, ‘Well, look, you have the American revolution, and then you have the Civil War, which was bigger than the revolution. And you have the Second World War, which was bigger than the Civil War,'” Kaiser said. “He even wanted me to say that on camera, and I was not willing.”

Howe, too, was struck by what he calls Bannon’s “rather severe outlook on what our nation is going through.” Bannon noted repeatedly on his radio show that “we’re at war” with radical jihadis in places around the world. This is “a global existential war” that likely will become “a major shooting war in the Middle East again.” War with China may also be looming, he has said. This conviction is central to the Breitbart mission, he explained in November 2015: “Our big belief, one of our central organizing principles at the site, is that we’re at war.”

To understand Steve Bannon, you have to understand what happened to his father. “I come from a blue collar, Irish-Catholic, pro-Kennedy, pro-union family of Democrats,” he once told Bloomberg Businessweek. Martin Bannon began his career as an assistant splicer for a telephone company and toiled as a lineman. Rising into management, the elder Bannon carved out a comfortable middle-class life for his wife and five kids on his working man’s salary. Friends say Steve pays frequent visits to his father, now 95 and widowed, at the old family home in Richmond’s Ginter Park neighborhood.

The last financial crisis put a huge dent in Martin’s life savings, according to two people close to the family. Steve watched with fury as his former Wall Street colleagues emerged virtually unscathed and scot-free–while America’s once great middle class, the people like his father, absorbed the weight of the damage.

“The sharp change came, I think, in 2008,” says Patrick McSweeney, a former chairman of the Republican Party of Virginia and longtime family friend. Bannon saw it as a matter of “fundamental unfairness”: the hardworking folks like his father got stiffed. And the bankers got bailed out.

Until then, Bannon had been, as he later put it, “as hard-nosed a capitalist as you get.” Born in 1953, Bannon was Student Government Association president at Virginia Tech, but as he explained in the 2015 interview with Bloomberg’s Joshua Green, he wasn’t particularly interested in politics until he enlisted in the Navy. “I wasn’t political until I got into the service and saw how badly Jimmy Carter f-cked things up. I became a huge Reagan admirer,” he said. “But what turned me against the whole Establishment was coming back from running companies in Asia in 2008 and seeing that Bush had f-cked up as badly as Carter. The whole country was a disaster.”

After seven years as a Navy officer, Bannon had earned a master’s degree in national-security studies from Georgetown, followed by an M.B.A. from Harvard. From there he went to Goldman Sachs, where he says he watched as the staid culture of a risk-averse partnership was transformed into a publicly traded casino, with the gamblers risking other people’s money. He left the bank to form his own boutique firm in Beverly Hills, specializing in entertainment deals. At one point, he even dabbled in trading virtual goods for players of the video game World of Warcraft. His partner Scot Vorse told TIME that he was the nuts-and-bolts guy, while Bannon was the big outside-the-box thinker and the driving force. “It’s all about aggressiveness,” Vorse says. “Steve’s not willing to take no for an answer. He’s a sponge. He’s very bright. He listens. And he’s a strategic thinker, about three or four steps down the road.”

The little firm won major clients, including Samsung, MGM and Italy’s answer to Trump, the billionaire and future Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi. Bannon’s biggest score, though, was not immediately apparent. In 1993, cable-television mogul Ted Turner bought Castle Rock Entertainment in a deal that Bannon helped deliver, and as Bannon has told the tale, at the last moment Turner insisted that the banker put some skin in the game. Instead of cash only, Bannon & Co. received a piece of five Castle Rock television shows–including a struggling sitcom called Seinfeld.

Meanwhile, Bannon was gradually evolving from dealmaker to filmmaker, with an unusual detour to manage a troubled experiment in the Arizona desert called Biosphere 2. In 1999, he served as co–executive producer of Titus, a star-studded adaptation of a Shakespeare play that went nowhere. Turning to documentaries that he wrote and directed himself, Bannon became a sort of Michael Moore of the right, with films celebrating Ronald Reagan, Sarah Palin and Michele Bachmann.

Bachmann, a former member of Congress from Minnesota, says Bannon was able to see what the mainstream media either could not or would not. There was a rising tide of disgust in America, which the coastal elites dismissed in “a grotesque caricature of what Donald Trump has called the forgotten man,” Bachmann says. “He was simply trying to give voice, I think, and give a platform to people who were not only being ignored but who were being lied about in the mainstream media.”

Bannon’s life became a crusade against political, financial and cultural elites of all stripes. Bannon’s philosophical transformation showed in his clothes: no one could look at his preferred uniform of T-shirts, cargo shorts and stubble and think Goldman Sachs.

At Breitbart, Bannon was a volcanic figure, according to a number of former staff members who found themselves crossways with the boss. Republican consultant John Pudner, a Bannon friend who briefly worked at Breitbart as the editor of a sports section, recalls the time Bannon “reamed me out”–just hours before he turned around and connected his friend with a plum new job. “He could hit you with that level of intensity and at the same time be singing your praises,” he said.

Not everyone is charitable. “He is legitimately one of the worst people I’ve ever dealt with,” former Breitbart editor Ben Shapiro told TIME last year. “He regularly abuses people. He sees everything as a war. Every time he feels crossed, he makes it his business to destroy his opponent.” The sentiment was echoed by conservative commentator Dana Loesch, a former Breitbart employee. “One of the worst people on God’s green earth,” she said on her radio show last year. Bannon was charged with domestic violence after a dispute with his ex-wife in 1996, though she declined to testify against him and the case was dropped. She later claimed in legal papers that Bannon had objected to a private school for their daughters because there were a lot of Jewish students attending and he didn’t like the way they are raised to be “whiny brats.” Bannon denied those claims, and declined through a White House spokesperson a request from TIME to comment for this story.

In Trump, Bannon found his ultimate outsider. He frequently had the candidate on his radio show, and former staffers say he ordered a steady stream of pro-Trump stories. Now Bannon’s imprint can be seen on presidential decisions ranging from the hiring of former Breitbart staffers to key White House positions to the choice of Andrew Jackson’s portrait–a Bannon idol–for display near the President’s desk.

“Where Bannon is really having his instinct is on the policy front,” says a longtime Trump ally. Which policies? “All of them. He’s Trump’s facilitator.” In a Trump White House, this adviser says, you can only get–and keep–as much power as the President wants you to have. But Trump and Bannon “sat down before the election and made a list of things they wanted to do in office right away,” says this adviser. Trump is the one deciding which items to tick off. “Bannon’s just smart enough to give him the list.”

However much the disruptive Trump may have welcomed the outrage of the ruling elites, the slash-and-burn style has caused real internal tension at the White House. Senior staff say Trump has instructed chief of staff Priebus to enforce more orderly lines of authority and communication from now on. Presidential counselor Conway has agreed to take an increased role in planning White House messaging with the policy and legal shops.

The internal tribulations of the past few weeks are a clear cause for worry. The decision to rush the refugee order through a relatively secret process came after Bannon and Miller noticed that documents circulated through the National Security Council’s professional staff were leaking to the press, according to Administration sources. Bannon and Miller moved to curtail access to forthcoming memos and drafts. Members of Congress, and even some Cabinet members, were cut out of the loop or had their access sharply limited.

As a result, the sources said, after the controversial order was signed, confusion reigned. An unknown number of holders of green cards and valid visas were en route to the U.S. The initial White House guidance was that they should all be turned back. But as immigration and civil-liberties lawyers rushed to federal court to challenge the order, the White House reversed itself, saying green-card holders would be granted waivers. Reporters had difficulty finding out even basic facts, like the names of the countries from which travel was banned. Days later, the President even intervened to amend the order that appointed Bannon to a regular spot on the National Security Council. Trump wanted his CIA director, Mike Pompeo, there too.

By Tuesday night, four days after the order was issued, the White House was trying to project a normal tableau. Trump orchestrated a prime-time announcement of his first Supreme Court pick, conservative Colorado judge Neil Gorsuch. But if the Administration had finally struck a note of steadiness, it surely didn’t mean that Bannon had been banished.

The President had, once again, provided a course correction. But his central populist message and methods, the one brought to life in conversations with Bannon, remained. In the fight for the forgotten people, disruption was not a bad thing–it just needed to be done with more forethought and follow-through.

That push and pull between demolishing the Establishment and leading it is likely to continue as long as Trump is in office. It’s the contradiction facing every outsider who wakes up inside. The entire presidential campaign had been narrated by Trump as a clash between David and Goliath, notes one senior Administration official. But now David has become king. “David shot Goliath with a slingshot but didn’t hold a press conference or sign an Executive Order. Not everything we do here has to move so quickly or be released so spectacularly.”

–With reporting by ALEX ALTMAN, ELIZABETH DIAS, MICHAEL DUFFY, PHILIP ELLIOTT, ZEKE J. MILLER and MICHAEL SCHERER/WASHINGTON

http://time.com/4657665/steve-bannon-donald-trump/

Steve Bannon’s obsession with a dark theory of history should be worrisome

Linette Lopez

Business InsiderFebruary 2, 2017

President Trump’s adviser, Steve Bannon, is on the cover of this week’s Time magazine, and in the piece it is revealed that Bannon deeply believes in a theory about America’s future laid out in a book called “The Fourth Turning: What Cycles of History Tell Us About America’s Next Rendezvous with Destiny.”

This fact should concern every American.

In the book, authors William Strauss and Neil Howe theorize that the history of a people moves in 80-to-100 year cycles called “saecula.” The idea goes back to the ancient Greeks, who believed that at a given saeculum’s end, there would come “ekpyrosis,” a cataclysmic event that destroys the old order and brings in a new one in a trial of fire.

This era of change is known as the Fourth Turning, and Bannon, like Strauss and Howe, believes we are in the midst of one right now.

According to the book, the last two Fourth Turnings that America experienced were the Civil War and the Reconstruction, and then the Great Depression and World War II. Before that, it was the Revolutionary War.

All these were marked by periods of dread and decay in which the American people were forced to unite to rebuild a new future, but only after a massive conflict in which many lives were lost. It all starts with a catalyst event, then there’s a period of regeneracy, after that there is a defining climax in which a war for the old order is fought, and then finally there is a resolution in which a new world order is stabilized.

This is where Bannon’s obsession with this book should cause concern. He believes that, for the new world order to rise, there must be a massive reckoning. That we will soon reach our climax conflict. In the White House, he has shown that he is willing to advise Trump to enact policies that will disrupt our current order to bring about what he perceives as a necessary new one. He encourages breaking down political and economic alliances and turning away from traditional American principles to cause chaos.

In that way, Bannon seems to be trying to bring about the Fourth Turning.

The book in Bannon

Bannon has never been secretive about his desire to use Trump to bring about his vision of America. He told Vanity Fair last summer that Trump was a “blunt instrument for us … I don’t know whether he really gets it or not.”

Perhaps not, but putting a Fourth Turning lens on Trump’s policies certainly give them a great deal of context. Bannon believes that the catalyst for the Fourth Turning has already happened: the financial crisis.

So now we are in the regeneracy. Howe and Strauss describe this period as one of isolationism, one of infrastructure building and of strong, centralized government power, and a reimagination of the economy.

Of course it’s important not to lose sight of the end here. Bannon believes in authoritarian politics as preparation for a massive conflict between East and West, whether East means the Middle East or China.

china military

View photos
china military

(Reuters)

Over the years, Bannon has unsuccessfully tried to pressure historians such as David Kaiser, now at MIT, to say the same thing.

From Time:

“I remember him saying, ‘Well, look, you have the American revolution, and then you have the Civil War, which was bigger than the revolution. And you have the Second World War, which was bigger than the Civil War,’ Kaiser said. ‘He even wanted me to say that on camera, and I was not willing.’

“Howe, too, was struck by what he calls Bannon’s ‘rather severe outlook on what our nation is going through.’ Bannon noted repeatedly on his radio show that ‘we’re at war’ with radical jihadis in places around the world. This is ‘a global existential war’ that likely will become ‘a major shooting war in the Middle East again.’ War with China may also be looming, he has said. This conviction is central to the Breitbart mission, he explained in November 2015: ‘Our big belief, one of our central organizing principles at the site, is that we’re at war.'”

The reality of repetition

Ultimately, the danger of writing about the past at the same time one writes about the future is that it can be hard for an author to separate the two. The steps and missteps of the past seem so easily repeatable that the future seems to march in lockstep. But this is not what history has shown us. The catastrophes of every era have always materialized in their own unique ways.

It is here where Strauss and Howe fail in their work, and here where Bannon gets caught in their failure. The authors mention in passing that the event that brings us into a crisis could be “as ominous as a financial crisis or as ordinary as a national election.”

This makes sense. The Fourth Turning of the Civil War and Reconstruction played out differently than the Fourth Turning afterward, the Depression and World War II.

But Strauss and Howe fail to recognize that difference in their description of the Fourth Turning to come. They forget that no two Turnings are alike; instead, they get trapped thinking that the last catalyst — the Great Depression, a financial crisis — was the next one as well, and Bannon does too.

This is why he believes that the Great Financial Crisis of 2008 was the catalyst of our crisis, just as the Great Depression was the catalyst in the previous saeculum. But the two are not comparable. Unemployment in the US never reached 20%, as it did then; it hit 10% in October 2009. In 2008 the government acted fast to prevent a full global meltdown, and it did not allow the situation to deteriorate the way President Herbert Hoover and his administration did for two years.

Instead of all of America suffering as one, what the financial crisis brought on was an exacerbation of the inequality growing in the world for the 40 years before it.

So when President Franklin Roosevelt described a country laid waste by the Great Depression in his inaugural address in 1933, he was describing a picture that all Americans were seeing. On the other hand Trump, in his inaugural, described a dark “American carnage” that many did not recognize. That lack of recognition marked our deep division as a country.

Trump inauguration speech

View photos
Trump inauguration speech

(President Trump gives his inaugural address on January 20.AP Photo/Patrick Semansky)

Alignment

So perhaps there is a Fourth Turning to come, but Bannon is not an architect of its initiation. According to Howe and Strauss, unity is the defining feature of the regeneracy. It is what allows leaders during a crisis to become “authoritarian, severe, unyielding” in commanding resources in order to rebuild society.

This is what allowed FDR to command the full force of government to put people back to work. But unity is less apparent in American society than it has been in years. Quite the contrary, our society is showing division as never before.

The stars of the “Fourth Turning” are baby boomers and millennials. Boomers are the ideologues who lead our country into conflict through folly; millennials are cast as the young heroes that bring them out of it.

Once the catalyst event takes place, Strauss and Howe describe a situation in which America coalesces under one leader — a boomer “Gray Warrior” — who will “urgently resist the idea that a second consecutive generation might be denied the American Dream. No matter how shattered the economy … “

Millennials vs Boomers on gay marriage immigration
Millennials vs Boomers on gay marriage immigration
More

(Pew Research Center)
If Bannon believes that he is working for this Gray Warrior, then he’s missing a very important point: Millennials are the ones who lead the way forward out of crisis in this story, but considering the needs of the young has never had any place under Trumpism. Trump’s words appealed most to older generations who felt like something had been taken away from them, not to younger generations who felt like they were never given a chance at the American Dream in the first place.

The majority of young people who voted in 2016 voted against President Trump, and even more millennials chose to stay home. That is, in part, because Trump never offered young people anything. In July, at the Republican National Convention, the national head of the young Republicans, Alexandra Smith, warned her party about this.

“For too long Republicans haven’t been making their case to millennials,” Smith said, her saccharine tone smoothing over the severity of the situation. “There’s just too much old and not enough grand in the way we express our party’s value to the next generation of voters.”

“The Fourth Turning” envisioned by Howe and Strauss requires a return to an agreed-upon set of values, but millennials and the GOP (or Bannon for that matter) couldn’t be farther away from one another. For one, millennials are the most diverse group in US history (43% of them are nonwhite). Most do not share Bannon’s vision for ethnic conflict.

“The Fourth Turning” is the story of our country unifying against internal struggles and an outside threat. The authors describe it as the natural course of history, as something that just falls into place. Instead, what we are seeing, with Trump’s travel ban and his threats against Mexico and China, is the creation of enemies, enemies many Americans don’t want to have.

Instead of uniting us, Bannon’s belief in “The Fourth Turning” is dividing us. This is dangerous, uncharted territory. What comes next is, as always, unwritten.

https://www.yahoo.com/news/steve-bannons-obsession-one-book-202400225.html

Steve Bannon

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
  (Redirected from Stephen Bannon)
Steve Bannon
Steve Bannon 2010.jpg
White House Chief Strategist
Assumed office
January 20, 2017
President Donald Trump
Preceded by Position established
Senior Counselor to the President
Assumed office
January 20, 2017
Serving with Kellyanne Conway, Dina Powell
President Donald Trump
Preceded by John Podesta (2015)
Personal details
Born Stephen Kevin Bannon
November 27, 1953 (age 63)
Norfolk, Virginia, U.S.
Political party Republican
Spouse(s) Cathleen Houff Jordan
(divorced)
Mary Piccard (1995–1997)
Diane Clohesy (divorced 2009)
Education BA, MA, MBA
Alma mater Virginia Tech
Georgetown University
Harvard University
Military service
Allegiance  United States
Service/branch  United States Navy
Years of service 1976–1983

Stephen KevinSteveBannon (born November 27, 1953) is an American political activist and businessman who is currently serving as the Assistant to the President and Chief Strategist for U.S. President Donald Trump.[1] Since January 28, 2017, Bannon has also been a regular attendee of the Principals Committee of the National Security Council.[1] Prior to assuming those positions, Bannon was the chief executive officer of Trump’s 2016 presidential campaign.[2][3] Before his political career, Bannon served as executive chair of Breitbart News, a far-right[13] news, opinion, and commentary website[14][15] which Bannon describes as the platform of the Internet-based alt-right.[23]

Bannon took leave of absence from Breitbart in order to work for the campaign.[24][25] After the election, he announced that he would resign from Breitbart.[24]

Early life, family and education

Stephen Kevin Bannon was born on November 27, 1953, in Norfolk, Virginia, to Doris (neé Herr) and Martin Bannon, a telephone lineman.[26][27] His working class, Irish Catholic family were pro-Kennedy, pro-union Democrats.[28][29] He graduated from Virginia Tech in 1976 with a bachelor’s degree in urban planning and holds a master’s degree in National Security Studies from Georgetown University School of Foreign Service. In 1985,[31] Bannon received a Master of Business Administration degree with honors[32] from Harvard Business School.[33]

Service in U.S. Navy

Bannon was an officer in the United States Navy for seven years in the late 1970s and early 1980s, serving on the destroyer USS Paul F. Foster as a Surface Warfare Officer in the Pacific Fleet and stateside as a special assistant to the Chief of Naval Operations at the Pentagon.[34]

Business career

Investment banking

After his military service, Bannon worked at Goldman Sachs as an investment banker in the Mergers and Acquisitions Department.[35] In 1990, Bannon and several colleagues from Goldman Sachs launched Bannon & Co., a boutique investment bank specializing in media. Through Bannon & Co., Bannon negotiated the sale of Castle Rock Entertainment to Ted Turner. As payment, Bannon & Co. accepted a financial stake in five television shows, including Seinfeld. Société Générale purchased Bannon & Co. in 1998.[32]

Environmental sector

In 1993, while still managing Bannon & Co., Bannon was made acting director of the Earth-science research project Biosphere 2 in Oracle, Arizona. Under Bannon, the project shifted emphasis from researching space exploration and colonization toward pollution and global warming. He left the project in 1995.[36][37]

Film and media

In the 1990s, Bannon became an executive producer in the Hollywood film and media industry. Bannon produced 18 films[27] from the 1992 Sean Penn drama The Indian Runner to executive producing Julie Taymor‘s 1999 film Titus. Bannon became a partner with entertainment industry executive Jeff Kwatinetz at The Firm, Inc., a film and television management company.[32]

In 2004, Bannon made a documentary about Ronald Reagan titled In the Face of Evil. Through the making and screening of this film, Bannon was introduced to Peter Schweizer and publisher Andrew Breitbart, who would later describe him as the Leni Riefenstahl of the Tea Party movement.[32] He was involved in the financing and production of a number of films, including Fire from the Heartland: The Awakening of the Conservative Woman, The Undefeated (on Sarah Palin), and Occupy Unmasked.

Bannon persuaded Goldman Sachs to invest, in 2006, in a company known as Internet Gaming Entertainment.[38] Following a lawsuit, the company rebranded as Affinity Media and Bannon took over as CEO. From 2007 through 2011, Bannon was the chair and CEO of Affinity Media.[39][40] During this time, Bannon spoke at the Liberty Restoration Foundation Orlando Florida on the Economic Crisis of 2008, the potential impact on Medicare and Medicaid and his 2010 film Generation Zero.

Bannon was executive chair and co-founder of the Government Accountability Institute, a tax-exempt 501(c)(3) organization, where he helped orchestrate the publication of the book Clinton Cash,[32][41] from its founding in 2012 until he left in August 2016.[42] For the years 2012 through 2015, he received between $81,000 and $100,000 each year; the organization reported that he worked an average of 30 hours per week for the organization.[42]

In 2015, Bannon was ranked No. 19 on Mediaite‘s list of the “25 Most Influential in Political News Media 2015”.[43]

Bannon also hosted a radio show (Breitbart News Daily) on the SiriusXM Patriot satellite radio channel.[44]

Breitbart News

Main article: Breitbart News

Bannon was a founding member of the board of Breitbart News,[45] a far-right[4][14][24] news, opinion and commentary website which, according to Philip Elliott and Zeke J. Miller of Time, has “pushed racist, sexist, xenophobic and anti-Semitic material into the vein of the alternative right“.[14]

In March 2012, after founder Andrew Breitbart‘s death, Bannon became executive chair of Breitbart News LLC, the parent company of Breitbart News.[25][46][47] Under his leadership, Breitbart took a more alt-right and nationalistic approach toward its agenda.[48] Bannon declared the website “the platform for the alt-right” in 2016.[16] Bannon identifies as a conservative.[49][50][51] Speaking about his role at Breitbart, Bannon said: “We think of ourselves as virulently anti-establishment, particularly ‘anti-‘ the permanent political class.”[52]

Political career

Donald Trump campaign

On August 17, 2016, Bannon was appointed Chief Executive of Donald Trump‘s campaign to become President of the United States.[46][49][53][54] He left Breitbart to take the job.[25]

Bannon watching Trump sign an executive order.

On November 13, 2016, Bannon was appointed chief strategist and senior counselor to President-elect Donald Trump.[55] This appointment drew opposition from the Anti-Defamation League, the Council on American–Islamic Relations, the Southern Poverty Law Center, Democrat Senate Minority Leader Harry Reid, and some Republican strategists, because of statements in Breitbart News that were alleged to be racist or antisemitic.[2][3][56][57][58]

Ben Shapiro,[58][59][60] Bernard Marcus of the Republican Jewish Coalition,[61] Morton Klein[62] and the Zionist Organization of America,[61] Pamela Geller,[63] Shmuley Boteach,[64] and David Horowitz[65] defended Bannon against the allegations of antisemitism. Alan Dershowitz first defended Bannon and said there was no evidence he was antisemitic,[66][67] but in a later piece stated that Bannon and Breitbart had made bigoted statements against Muslims, women, and others.[68] The ADL said “we are not aware of any anti-Semitic statements from Bannon”, while adding “under his stewardship, Breitbart has emerged as the leading source for the extreme views of a vocal minority who peddle bigotry and promote hate.”[69] Shapiro, who previously worked for Breitbart, said that he has no evidence of Bannon being racist or an antisemite, but that he was “happy to pander to those people and make common cause with them in order to transform conservatism into European far-right nationalist populism”,[70] an assertion supported by other sources and by his alluding to Front National politician Marion Maréchal-Le Pen as “the new rising star”.[71]

On November 15, 2016, Rhode Island Representative David Cicilline released a letter to Trump signed by 169 Democratic House Representatives urging him to rescind his appointment of Bannon. The letter stated that appointing Bannon “sends a disturbing message about what kind of president Donald Trump wants to be”,[72][73][74] because his “ties to the White Nationalist movement have been well documented”; it went on to present several examples of Breitbart News’ alleged xenophobia.[75] Bannon denied being a white nationalist and claimed, rather, that he is an “economic nationalist.”[76]

On November 18, 2016, during his first interview not conducted by Breitbart Media since the 2016 presidential election, Bannon remarked on some criticisms made about him, stating that “Darkness is good: Dick Cheney. Darth Vader. Satan. That’s power. It only helps us when they get it wrong. When they’re blind to who we are and what we’re doing.”[77][78] The quote was published widely in the media.[77][79][80][81][82] The Daily Mail said the quote showed that “Bannon liked being characterized as a villain because he believed it showed the cluelessness of liberals and the media”,[80] while The Independent said that Bannon had “beaten the liberal media to the punch by comparing himself to the devil”.[82] In the same interview, Bannon declared “I’m not a white nationalist. I’m a nationalist. I’m an economic nationalist”.[77][80]

Trump responded to the ongoing controversy over Bannon’s appointment in an interview with The New York Times, saying, “I’ve known Steve Bannon a long time. If I thought he was a racist, or alt-right, or any of the things that we can, you know, the terms we can use, I wouldn’t even think about hiring him.”[83]

Trump administration

Several days after Donald Trump′s inauguration, Bannon told an American newspaper, “The media should be embarrassed and humiliated and keep its mouth shut and just listen for a while. I want you to quote this: the media here is the opposition party. They don’t understand this country. They still do not understand why Donald Trump is the president of the United States.”[84]

At the end of January 2017, in a departure from the previous format of the National Security Council (NSC), the holder of Bannon′s position, along with that of the Chief of Staff, was designated by Donald Trump′s Memorandum as a regular attendee to the NSC′s Principals Committee, a Cabinet-level senior interagency forum for considering national security issues.[1][85][86] The enacted arrangement was criticised by several members of previous administrations and was called “stone cold crazy” by Susan E. Rice, Barack Obama’s last national security adviser.[87]

Personal life

Bannon has been married three times, each marriage ending in divorce. He is the father of three adult daughters.

Bannon’s first marriage was to Cathleen Suzanne Houff, born 1955.[88] Bannon and Houff had a daughter, Maureen, in 1988.[89][90] They divorced.[56]

Bannon’s second marriage was to Mary Louise Piccard, a former investment banker, in April 1995. Their twin daughters were born three days after the wedding. Piccard filed for dissolution of the marriage in 1997, and they are no longer married.[91][92]

Bannon was charged with misdemeanor domestic violence, battery and dissuading a witness in early January 1996, after Piccard accused Bannon of domestic abuse. The charges were later dropped when his now ex-wife did not appear in court.[93] In an article in The New York Times, Piccard stated her absence was due to threats made to her by Bannon and Bannon’s lawyer:

Mr. Bannon, she said, told her that “if I went to court he and his attorney would make sure that I would be the one who was guilty”… Mr. Bannon’s lawyer, she said, “threatened me,” telling her that if Mr. Bannon went to jail, she “would have no money and no way to support the children.” … Mr. Bannon’s lawyer … denied pressuring her not to testify.[94]

Piccard and Bannon divorced in 1997. During the divorce proceedings, Piccard also stated that Bannon had made antisemitic remarks about choice of schools, saying that he did not want to send his children to The Archer School for Girls because there were too many Jews at the school and Jews raise their children to be “whiny brats”. Bannon’s spokesperson denied the accusation, noting that he had chosen to send both his children to the Archer School.[93][95][96][97][98]

Bannon’s third marriage was to Diane Clohesy. That marriage also ended in divorce, in 2009.[99]

Filmography

Bannon has been a producer, writer or director on the following films and documentaries:

References

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Steve_Bannon

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