The Pronk Pops Show 762, September 23, 2016, Story 1: Who Do The American People Trust To Be Next President of The United States? Do You Trust Your Wife? — Videos — Story 2: Do You Trust Big Lie Media? Nobody Does Except The Kool Aid Drinkers — Videos

Posted on September 23, 2016. Filed under: 2016 Presidential Campaign, American History, Banking System, Benghazi, Blogroll, Breaking News, Bribery, Budgetary Policy, Business, Coal, Coal, College, Communications, Congress, Constitutional Law, Corruption, Countries, Crime, Culture, Donald J. Trump, Donald J. Trump, Donald Trump, Donald Trump, Economics, Elections, Empires, Energy, Fast and Furious, Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), Federal Government, Fiscal Policy, Foreign Policy, Government, Government Dependency, History, House of Representatives, Human Behavior, Illegal Immigration, Illegal Immigration, Immigration, Impeachment, Iran Nuclear Weapons Deal, Law, Lying, Monetary Policy, Natural Gas, News, Nuclear, Obama, Oil, Oil, Philosophy, Photos, Politics, Polls, Radio, Raymond Thomas Pronk, Resources, Scandals, Security, Senate, Spying, Tax Policy, Taxation, Taxes, Terror, Terrorism, Unemployment, United States of America, Videos, Violence, Wall Street Journal, War, Wealth, Weapons, Wisdom | Tags: , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , |

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The Pronk Pops Show Podcasts

Pronk Pops Show 762: September 23, 2016

Pronk Pops Show 761: September 22, 2016

Pronk Pops Show 760: September 21, 2016

Pronk Pops Show 759: September 20, 2016

Pronk Pops Show 758: September 19, 2016

Pronk Pops Show 757: September 16, 2016

Pronk Pops Show 756: September 15, 2016

Pronk Pops Show 755: September 14, 2016

Pronk Pops Show 754: September 13, 2016

Pronk Pops Show 753: September 12, 2016

Pronk Pops Show 752: September 9, 2016

Pronk Pops Show 751: September 8, 2016

Pronk Pops Show 750: September 7, 2016

Pronk Pops Show 749: September 2, 2016

Pronk Pops Show 748: September 1, 2016

Pronk Pops Show 747: August 31, 2016

Pronk Pops Show 746: August 30, 2016

Pronk Pops Show 745: August 29, 2016

Pronk Pops Show 744: August 26, 2016

Pronk Pops Show 743: August 25, 2016

Pronk Pops Show 742: August 24, 2016

Pronk Pops Show 741: August 23, 2016

Pronk Pops Show 740: August 22, 2016

Pronk Pops Show 739: August 18, 2016

Pronk Pops Show 738: August 17, 2016

Pronk Pops Show 737: August 16, 2016

Pronk Pops Show 736: August 15, 2016

Pronk Pops Show 735: August 12, 2016

Pronk Pops Show 734: August 11, 2016

Pronk Pops Show 733: August 9, 2016

Pronk Pops Show 732: August 8, 2016

Pronk Pops Show 731: August 4, 2016

Pronk Pops Show 730: August 3, 2016

Pronk Pops Show 729: August 1, 2016

Pronk Pops Show 728: July 29, 2016

Pronk Pops Show 727: July 28, 2016

Pronk Pops Show 726: July 27, 2016

Pronk Pops Show 725: July 26, 2016

Pronk Pops Show 724: July 25, 2016

Pronk Pops Show 723: July 22, 2016

Pronk Pops Show 722: July 21, 2016

Pronk Pops Show 721: July 20, 2016

Pronk Pops Show 720: July 19, 2016

Pronk Pops Show 719: July 18, 2016

Pronk Pops Show 718: July 15, 2016

Pronk Pops Show 717: July 14, 2016

Pronk Pops Show 716: July 13, 2016

Pronk Pops Show 715: July 12, 2016

Pronk Pops Show 714: July 7, 2016

Pronk Pops Show 713: July 6, 2016

Pronk Pops Show 712: July 5, 2016

Pronk Pops Show 711: July 1, 2016

Pronk Pops Show 710: June 30, 2016

Pronk Pops Show 709: June 29, 2016

Pronk Pops Show 708: June 28, 2016

Pronk Pops Show 707: June 27, 2016

Pronk Pops Show 706: June 24, 2016

Pronk Pops Show 705: June 23, 2016

Pronk Pops Show 704: June 22, 2016

Pronk Pops Show 703: June 21, 2016

Pronk Pops Show 702: June 20, 2016

Pronk Pops Show 701: June 17, 2016

Pronk Pops Show 700: June 16, 2016

Pronk Pops Show 699: June 15, 2016

Pronk Pops Show 698: June 14, 2016

Pronk Pops Show 697: June 13, 2016

Pronk Pops Show 696: June 10, 2016

Pronk Pops Show 695: June 9, 2016

Pronk Pops Show 694: June 8, 2016

Pronk Pops Show 693: June 6, 2016

Pronk Pops Show 692: June 3, 2016

Pronk Pops Show 691: June 2, 2016

Pronk Pops Show 690: June 1, 2016

Story 1: Who Do The American People Trust To Be Next President of The United States? Do You Trust Your Wife? — Videos —

Image result for cartoons kool aid drinkers for hillary clinton

Image result for kool aid drinkers hillary clinton

Image result for cartoons kool aid drinkers for hillary clinton

Image result for cartoons kool aid drinkers for donald trump

Image result for cartoons the media are the kool aid makers

Image result for cartoons kool aid drinkers for donald trump

Image result for cartoons kool aid drinkers for donald trumpImage result for cartoons kool aid drinkers the media

Image result for cartoons kool aid drinkers the media

Image result for cartoons the media are the kool aid makers

 

General Election: Trump vs. Clinton vs. Johnson vs. Stein

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Polling Data

Poll Date Sample MoE
Clinton (D)
Trump (R)
Johnson (L)
Stein (G)
Spread
RCP Average 9/8 – 9/21 41.8 39.7 8.9 2.9 Clinton +2.1
McClatchy/Marist 9/15 – 9/20 758 LV 3.6 45 39 10 4 Clinton +6
Rasmussen Reports 9/20 – 9/21 1000 LV 3.0 39 44 8 2 Trump +5
Economist/YouGov 9/18 – 9/19 936 RV 4.0 40 38 7 2 Clinton +2
NBC News/Wall St. Jrnl 9/16 – 9/19 922 LV 3.2 43 37 9 2 Clinton +6
Reuters/Ipsos 9/15 – 9/19 1111 LV 3.4 37 39 7 2 Trump +2
Associated Press-GfK 9/15 – 9/16 1251 LV 45 39 9 2 Clinton +6
NBC News/SM 9/12 – 9/18 13320 LV 1.2 45 40 10 4 Clinton +5
FOX News 9/11 – 9/14 867 LV 3.0 41 40 8 3 Clinton +1
CBS News/NY Times 9/9 – 9/13 1433 LV 3.0 42 42 8 4 Tie
Quinnipiac 9/8 – 9/13 960 LV 3.2 41 39 13 4 Clinton +2

All General Election: Trump vs. Clinton vs. Johnson vs. Stein Polling Data

Empire Files: Abby Martin Exposes What Hillary Clinton Really Represents

Top 5 Reasons You CANNOT Vote Hillary Clinton

DEBUNKED: Trump is Hitler? Why HILLARY is More Like The Führer…

Over 100 Million People Are Expected To Watch The Trump-Clinton Debate

Hillary Clinton lying for 13 minutes straight

Can Clinton win over Americans’ trust?

“Do You Trust Your Wife” with Johnny Carson (1958)

Voting for Hillary Clinton? You Must See these Reasons Why YOU SHOULDN’T!

Tim Kaine Can’t Say If People Should Trust Hillary Clinton

6 Reasons Catholics Can’t Trust Hillary Clinton

Sanders: “Frankly, A Lot Of People Don’t Trust” Hillary Clinton

Susan Sarandon destroy Hillary Clinton

Hillary’s Pragmatic, Capable, and Competent. So Why Doesn’t America Trust Her?

Judge Napolitano Hillary Clinton was ‘for sale’

Ben Shapiro – Nobody Trusts Hillary, Trump Surges in Polls

Everybody Hates Hillary Clinton

Expert: Hillary Clinton Ready To Launch Major Play

Ben Shapiro Talks Trump and Nazis | Louder With Crowder

Americans Don’t Trust Hillary Or Trump With Nukes

Ann Coulter: ‘In Trump We Trust’

Ann Coulter v. Dennis Prager – In Trump We Trust and the Vicious Roast

Trump Does Not Trust The CIA

Do You Trust Trump with the Nuclear Codes?

Both Donald Trump, Hillary Clinton Seek To Regain Trust In Election | MSNBC

The Year of the Reticent Voter

People seem to feel that if they express a preference, they’re inviting others to inspect their souls.

By PEGGY NOONAN

The signature sentence of this election begins with the words “In a country of 320 million . . .” I hear it everywhere. It ends with “how’d it come down to these two?” or “why’d we get them?”

Another sentence is a now a common greeting among Republicans who haven’t seen each other in a while: “What are we gonna do?”

The most arresting sentence of the week came from a sophisticated Manhattan man friendly with all sides. I asked if he knows what he’ll do in November. “I know exactly,” he said with some spirit. “I will be one of the 40 million who will deny, the day after the election, that they voted for him. But I will.”
A high elected official, a Republican, got a faraway look when I asked what he thought was going to happen. “This is the unpollable election,” he said. People don’t want to tell you who they’re for. A lot aren’t sure. A lot don’t want to be pressed.

That’s exactly what I’ve seen the past few weeks in North Carolina, New Jersey, Tennessee and Minnesota.

Every four years I ask people if they’ll vote, and if they have a sense of how. Every four years they tell me—assertively or shyly, confidently or tentatively. This year is different. I’ve never seen people so nervous to answer. It’s so unlike America, this reticence, even defensiveness. It’s as if there’s a feeling that to declare who you’re for is to invite others to inspect your soul.

“I feel like this is the most controversial election ever,” said a food-court worker at La Guardia Airport. She works a full shift, 4 a.m. to noon, five days a week, then goes full-time to a nearby college. We’d been chatting a while, and when I asked the question she told me, carefully, that she hasn’t decided how she’ll vote, and neither have her family members. I said a lot of people seem nervous to say. She said: “Especially Trump people. They’re afraid you’ll think they’re stupid.”

Which is how I knew she was going to vote for Donald Trump.

It’s true: Trump voters especially don’t want to be categorized, judged, thought stupid—racist, sexist, Islamophobic, you name it. When most of them know, actually, that they’re not.

Voters who talk about 2016 are very careful to damn both sides, air their disappointment, note that they’ve been following the election closely. They know each candidate’s history.

In Tennessee I asked a smart businessman who he’s for. He carefully and at length outlined his criticisms and concerns regarding both candidates. Then, as I started to leave, he threw in, from nowhere: “So I think Trump.”

When I talk to strangers—which I do a lot, and like it—I sometimes say dour, mordant things, to get them going by establishing that anything can be said. I say if Hillary Clinton is elected there will be at least one special prosecutor, maybe two, within 18 months, because her character will not be reborn on crossing the threshold of the White House; the well-worn grooves of her essential nature will kick in. If Mr. Trump is elected there will be a constitutional crisis within 18 months because he doesn’t really know what a president does, doesn’t respect traditional boundaries, doesn’t reflect on implications and effects. I always expect pushback. I am not getting it! I get nods, laughs and, in two recent cases, admissions that whoever wins they’d been wondering how soon impeachment proceedings would begin.
Oh, my pained and crazy country.

A final observation, underlying all. Under the smiles and beyond the reticence it is clear how seriously Americans are taking their decision, how gravely. As if it’s not Tweedledum and Tweedledee but an actual choice between two vastly different dramas, two different worlds of outcome and meaning. The cynic or the screwball? Shall we go to the bad place or the crazy place?

I returned knowing I was wrong about something. I thought everyone has been watching the election more than a year, everyone knows their opinion of Mrs. Clinton and Mr. Trump, this thing is pretty much settled. No, it’s fluid. This cake is not baked.

I talked to Peter D. Hart, the veteran Democratic pollster. Are things as much in play as I think? Yes and no, he said. People do have a firm opinion of the two candidates, the clichés are set: “Hillary competent and cold, Trump an incompetent loose cannon.” But “the part that is evolving is a sense of what we need to do and where we need to go.” Everyone wants change, but people are deciding, “constructive change or radical change?”

Pollster Glen Bolger of Public Opinion Strategies says nothing is settled. “Voters are angry at Clinton because she can’t tell the truth and they’re scared of Trump because they’re afraid he’s gonna start a war. There are times her un-truthiness outweighs their concern about him overreacting and starting a war. It goes back and forth.”

He disagrees with the “unpollable” premise: “It’s pollable. But if anyone says their results are cast in concrete, that’s a mistake. There’s a lot of fluidity.”

The veteran pollster Kellyanne Conway, now Trump campaign manager, says: “This thing is fluid in a way we don’t understand.” She is a close student of Barack Obama’s 2008 campaign in all its aspects. Like Mr. Obama, she says, Mr. Trump is “a candidate built for the 21st century. . . . The most fundamental truth of politics is there’s no substitute for a great, magnetic, compelling candidate.”

She speaks of “undercover” Trump voters. “To call them hidden is a mistake. They’re undercover because they’ve gotten to the point they’re tired of arguing. . . . Some have been voting Democratic all their life, they voted for Obama, they’re tired of defending and explaining themselves” to family and coworkers. “They don’t want to proselytize.”

Mr. Hart said the debates are unusually important this year. “Trump is the central character—it’s his last opportunity to get a fresh look from voters. A debate is an open window. Voters suspend opinions and look afresh. Attitudes toward Trump have not changed—temperament questions, can he do the job?” This is a chance for him to “establish credibility at this stage of the game.” By contrast, “Hillary’s problems are not professional but personal—can I like her, does she understand me. . . . It’s an opportunity for her to get voters saying, ‘You know something, she’s not a bad egg.’ ”

Ms. Conway too says the debates are key. “People like a clash of the titans. They like a contest. These debates are the ultimate reality show—the stakes have never been higher.” After the Democratic convention the Clinton campaign, in a major miscalculation, “lowered the bar” for Trump, “calling him unfit, unpresidential.” That turned him into the underdog. “Americans love an underdog.”

Ms. Conway remembered what happened in 2008 when John McCain referred to his long experience. “Obama said if experience means you got us into this mess overseas and tanked the economy, maybe experience is overrated. We are turning this around on Clinton now.”

Mr. Trump’s advantage? “Americans love to say they think outside the box. Trump lives outside the box. Hillary is the box.”

http://www.wsj.com/articles/the-year-of-the-reticent-voter-1474586866

Dems lap up Hillary Kool Aid at their own risk

I was raised in a patriotic family of generations of life-long Democrats. My mother was a schoolteacher, and my father was a federal employee, who served in the Air Force. I was raised on values of equality with a moderate perspective of social values. I was raised in a proud Christian home.

When I graduated from college, got a job and started paying taxes, I began to appreciate the concept of “less government equals more freedom.” I registered as a Republican but continued to vote my conscience, just like many voters in Generation X.

In 2008, I was dazzled by the eloquent words of a rising political figure. I was moon-eyed by the prospect of making history and casting my vote for the first African American President. Consumed by the prospects of  “change we can believe in,” I voted for Barack Obama.

Like so many Americans, I bought the mainstream media’s portrayal of him and his intentions. I drank the “Obama Kool-Aid.” I believed what he said, and I voted for Obama in 2008 because I wanted to be a part of the historic wave of Americans electing the first African American President.

This is a mistake I regret and I learned my lesson. I realized that I cannot blindly accept the mainstream media’s propaganda, and that I must do my own research.

Obama’s Presidency left me feeling deceived, betrayed and angry. The promises of unity and “change we can believe in” devolved into social and economic divisions and tyranny.

The financial crisis of 2009 leveled my savings and equity in my home, and I watched helplessly as Barack and Hillary bailed out the “too big to fail” one percent elites on Wall Street. Meanwhile the middle class was left to fend for our own.

I did not vote for Obama in 2012. As the idiom goes, “Fool me once, shame on you; fool me twice shame on me.”

Albert Einstein once stated, “No problem can be solved from the same level of consciousness that created it.” His common sense statement resonates with prophetic importance for America in this critical Presidential election.

I have heard this same sentiment echoed by Donald Trump when he states that the Washington insiders who caused America’s problems cannot solve them.

Hillary Clinton has been at the forefront of the Washington political establishment as First Lady, Senator and Secretary of State since January 1993.

For more than two decades, she had the opportunity, but failed miserably, to help the middle class, create jobs, strengthen our healthcare and education systems, and fortify our national security through effective foreign policy and trade deals.

During his speech at the Democrat convention, Bill Clinton stated, “She flew all night long from Cambodia to the Middle East to get a cease-fire that would avoid a full-out shooting war between Hamas and Israel in Gaza to protect the peace in the region.”

I find this statement to be particularly puzzling. Secretary Clinton was given not one, but two valid opportunities in March 2011, to get a ceasefire at the outset of the Libya revolution followed by Gaddafi’s abdication.

Both ceasefire opportunities were obstructed by Hillary, despite the recommendations of senior Pentagon officials to give peace a chance.  

Secretary Clinton also obstructed the orders of the President and Secretary of Defense to deploy all available resources to save American lives in Benghazi on September 11, 2012.

Hillary intervened to block the order as she was more concerned about uniforms and approval from the Libyan government — an approval she had the authority to waive in this extremis situation.

When lives were at stake, Hillary was more concerned about politically protecting foreign policy decisions she had made in Libya, rather than saving American lives.

This is a scenario all too familiar in Hillary politics. Her litany of lies, double-talk and hypocrisy have reached epic proportions.

From Hillary’s “What difference at this point does it make,” to “Did I wipe the server — like with a cloth,” to “I am confident that I never sent nor received any information that was classified at the time it was sent and received,” she continues to deceive us.

Perhaps the most egregious deception is best understood from the words of a grieving mother, Patricia Smith, whose son, Sean Smith, was murdered in the Benghazi attack.

She stated, “In an email to her daughter shortly after the attack, Hillary Clinton blamed it on terrorism. But when I saw Hillary Clinton at Sean’s coffin ceremony, just days later, she looked me squarely in the eye and told me a video was responsible.”

America can no longer blindly follow deceptive and corrupt politicians who are incapable of telling the truth. This is Einstein’s definition of insanity!

America cannot drink the “Hillary Kool-Aid” and risk electing her simply because she is “experienced” and will break a glass ceiling. Her kind of experience has only weakened America and exposed us to our enemies.

Paraphrasing Donald Trump, it is not the effort that counts, but rather results.

America cannot elect a leader who brags about her efforts, without demonstrating any positive results. Our problems are too great and only getting worse.

Throughout his career, Donald Trump has delivered real results, and told the truth even when it was not politically correct. He is not part of the “political consciousness” that has created America’s problems. He is willing to name and confront our enemies and make the tough decisions.

The only person with the ability and true intention of making America great again is Donald Trump, and my mother agrees with my sentiments.

For the first time in her life, my mother is voting Republican for President of the United States, and we are both voting for Donald J. Trump!

Stephanie M. Jason is a frequent contributor to the Hill and a Donald J. Trump supporter.

http://thehill.com/blogs/pundits-blog/presidential-campaign/289815-dems-lap-up-the-hillary-kool-aid-at-their-own-risk

 

Why I Trust Trump

“Trump will do what he says.”  “Trump isn’t a lying politician.”  “Trump promised to do it, and he will.”

So say thousands of supporters of The Donald throughout the internet.  Old and young, male and female, they say it vehemently, without reservation.  I confess that for the longest time, I thought I detected a note of protesting too much in their assurances, as though they were saying these things more as a talisman against their own doubts than as a counterargument to anything Trump’s critics were saying.  This seemed the most reasonable interpretation, because it was apparent that these people had nothing substantial to say against the criticism itself.

But on the Lewis Carroll principle that “What I tell you three times is true,” it follows that what hundreds of people tell you thousands of times must be super-duper-true.  So I’ve decided to stop denying the obvious and start trusting Donald Trump to do exactly what he says he’ll do.

Don’t get me wrong.  I’m not saying I trust him to do what his followers say he’s going to do.  They have invented their own weird category of campaign promises – namely, promises they make to themselves in Trump’s name.  Wish-fulfillment promises.  Projection promises.  “If I were the candidate, I would do X” promises.

These supporters have stocked their weird new category with all kinds of amazing ideas, but the most commonly cited are probably these three: “He’s going to deport all the illegals so we can have our country back.”  “He’s going to clean out all the cronies and hacks in the Washington establishment.”  “He’s going to deal mercilessly with the Muslim threat.”

I suppose these three promises Trump’s supporters make to themselves are the most commonly repeated for the simple reason that they can’t find anything he actually believes that they could, in good conscience, cite as a reason for supporting him.

Would these people – and I say “people” to clarify that I’m talking about the patriotic Americans among his followers, and excluding the progressives, white supremacists, reality TV junkies, and ex-Obama cultists looking for a new god – but would these decent people have the nerve to defend Trump for saying he wants universal health care?  For saying people who don’t support socialized medicine “have no heart”?  For saying an old lady who doesn’t want to give up her “terrible house” to a private real estate development project should be forced off her property by the government?  For saying a sixty-year-old Republican woman is too unattractive to be president?  For saying a senator is an unlikeable candidate because he hasn’t ingratiated himself with Mitch McConnell?  For donating more than $60,000 to McConnell’s 2014 fight against a Tea Party challenger, and publicly endorsing him for Senate majority leader?  For saying he likes and looks forward to making “great deals” with Chuck Schumer, Nancy Pelosi, and other socialists?  For saying that not only were the bank bailouts a good idea, but even nationalizing the banks would be acceptable in the event of an economic crisis such as the one in 2008?  For finding freedom of speech objectionable and unworthy of defense when people use it to say things he doesn’t like?  For casually supporting unlimited NSA authority to collect everyone’s private communications, or proposing to “call Bill Gates” and shut down parts of the internet?  For promising to use presidential authority to punish companies that send jobs overseas, while he has done the same himself, or for hiring foreign workers rather than qualified Americans, while he does it himself?

Of course, his rational supporters could not cite any of these positions or promises in his defense.  After all, they might as well vote for Hillary Clinton if they agreed with any of those ideas.  How different are they from her positions?  And Hillary, like Trump, supported both Jimmy Carter and Walter Mondale against Ronald Reagan.  She too, at the end of Reagan’s presidency, would have written, as Trump did, that he was a con man whom “people are beginning to question” concerning “whether there is anything beneath that smile.”  She too believed in 2008 that she would make “a great president.”  She, like Trump, would have said, during Obama’s 2012 re-election campaign, that she was doing “a good job” as secretary of state.

So it stands to reason these Trump supporters would cling to their three big wish-fulfillment promises noted above – deporting all the illegals, cleaning up Washington, fighting Islamism – even though none of them represents Trump’s actual positions.

Trump, like all progressive-spirited sophists, is a master of the rhetorical skill we might call “far side of the moon” campaigning.  He deliberately embraces positions that, if looked at from different angles, seem to be saying almost contradictory things.  Thus, by carefully emphasizing the half of the position that his given audience prefers to hear, he convinces them that he believes what they believe.  The next day, when he is called on it by the opposing side of the debate, he (or a surrogate) simply restates the position with emphasis on its other half, which was left in the dark when speaking to the previous audience.

Hence you get “a big beautiful wall” – with a “big beautiful door.”  You get “free market solutions” on health care – with universal coverage paid for by the government.  You get a ban on Muslim immigration (whatever that means) – for an unspecified brief time.

But if you focus only on the first part of each of those positions – the part a person in despair at the thought of losing his country might prefer to hear – you can almost believe that Trump really took the position you wished he had taken.  Once you have convinced yourself that what you wanted him to say is what he actually said, no one can talk you out of that dead certainty.  In fact, not even Trump himself can dissuade you from trusting what you believe you heard him say.

Trump seems to have intuited this weakness of desperate human beings – their willingness to see what they need to see, in defiance of the truth that is before them – and he is exploiting it for his own short-term advantage.  I say short-term because it is obvious that once he is the GOP nominee, he will, as he has promised, change his tone and become something completely different for the general election.  In saying this, Trump is merely telling you the truth – namely, that he is not a man of principle or a real leader.  He is a professional salesman who is adept at winning over an audience by quickly divining what that audience wants to believe and then giving it to that audience with both barrels.  That is, he is a sycophant who has the dubious skill of bluffing his victims into feeling he is leading them rather than merely flattering them with imitation.

This modus operandi is obviously the opposite of what people want in a political leader, because it guarantees that he will betray you the moment he is speaking to an audience with different priorities.  (And is there a public figure on Earth with a clearer record of such betrayals?)  But because his sales pitch is so blunt and vigorous, even his promise of hypocrisy tends to get absorbed into the audience’s admiration: “Of course he has to speak differently in the general election.  That’s what he needs to do to win – so that he can then fulfill all the great promises he made to us!”

We see this convenient delusion regularly among Trump supporters.  Every time you mention all the large contributions Trump has made to leading progressive establishment politicians of both parties, right up to the year before his candidacy, his fans enthusiastically recite his own revealing rationalization, which boils down to “I’m a businessman, and I saw my personal advantage in propping up the socialists and other soft despots of the Washington establishment, so naturally I supported them in exchange for influence and favors.”  In other words, he’s a poster boy for crony capitalism – but that’s okay, in his case alone, because oh boy, when he’s elected, “Trump will do what he says.”

I give up.  It works for me now.  Trump will do what he says.  He’s not a lying politician.  He promised to do it, and he will.  Please allow me to explain my new faith.

He promises to send all the illegals to Mexico, and then bring almost all of them back on an expedited path to legalization.  This is called touchback amnesty; it was endorsed many years ago by The New York Times and supported by a large majority in an LA Times poll of illegal immigrants.  When Trump was accused by his useful idiot media of being a troglodyte for wanting to deport twelve million law-abiding criminals, his son was quick to shine a light on the far side of that moon:

The point isn’t just deporting them, it’s deporting them and letting them back in legally.  He’s been so clear about that [when speaking to certain audiences] and I know the liberal media wants to misconstrue it, but it’s deporting them and letting them back legally.

He promises touchback amnesty, and I believe him.

He promises to get along with everyone in Washington, to make deals with Nancy Pelosi and Chuck Schumer, to support Mitch McConnell as Senate majority leader (unlike that guy everybody hates, Ted Cruz), and to “take the calls” of all those members of the establishment he always worked with back (eighteen months ago) when he “was a member of the establishment – meaning a giver, a big donor.”  In other words, he promises that his anti-establishment, “burn the place down” rhetoric is just rabble-rousing talk, but that in truth he will be a model Washington establishment back-scratcher.

He promises to continue his lifelong friendship with the progressive status quo, and I believe him.

He promises that his much loved (by his supporters) “ban on Muslim immigration” is merely a temporary “pause,” which was presented with the light shining on the “ban” side of its moon in order to appeal to the nationalist sentiment of his crowds, but which was really just a call for administrative adjustment of immigration procedures from a candidate who had, a few months earlier, supported the acceptance of Syrian refugees.

When free speech activists, including Geert Wilders, gathered in Texas for a “Draw Muhammad” contest in 2015, to show solidarity with European artists and journalists living (and dying) under threat of attack by Islamists, the gathering itself was attacked by Islamists who have since been connected with ISIS.  Donald Trump held the event’s organizer, Pamela Geller, responsible for the violence and loss of life, on the grounds that people shouldn’t speak in a way that might aggravate Muslim jihadists:

What is she doing, drawing Muhammad?  It looks like she’s actually taunting people. … Isn’t there something else they can draw? … They can’t do something else?  They have to be in the middle of Texas, doing something on Muhammad and insulting everybody?

He recently said he wishes to remain neutral for the moment regarding negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians, basically in order to retain the element of surprise should he end up involved in those negotiations.  That is, he seeks to maintain neutrality between a longtime American ally under siege by jihadists and a terrorist-electing faction supported for years by the mullahs in Iran.

He advocated using American military assets to support the Islamist uprising against Moammar Gaddafi, actually proposing that U.S. troops be sent in to “knock this guy [Gaddafi] out very quickly, very surgically.”  (That this is the far side of the moon that he is hoping to hide in front of his current audience is proved by his outright lie, during the February 25 debate, when he claimed he had never discussed Libya before.)

Few American public figures have been more deeply involved in offering aid and comfort to the global Islamist movement than Hillary Clinton.  Trump’s support for Clinton continued through to the fall of 2013, after her tenure at the State Department was over, when he told Larry King, “I know her very well.  They’re members of my club, and I like both of them very much.”  This, you may note, was a full year after the Benghazi attack, a year after Hillary’s “offensive video” cover story to protect herself and Barack Obama from culpability, months after she responded to questions concerning her lies about the causes of that terrorist attack by screaming, “What difference, at this point, does it make?”

Though Trump has since called her “the worst secretary of state,” he has not tied that convenient and sudden flip-flop to her role in enabling the rise of Islamic extremism in the Middle East (a policy he supported, at least in Libya) or her questionable associations with the caliphate movement within the U.S.

So Trump promises to pause Muslim immigration for a short time – a weaker position on restricting Muslim Islamist infiltration than those both Rand Paul and Ted Cruz were advocating long before Trump’s headline-grabbing announcement.  He promises to shout down free speech that might offend Islamists (except, apparently, when he finds such speech useful to himself during a campaign).  He promises to claim neutrality in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.  And he promises to ignore global caliphate influence in Washington when his old friends are involved.

He promises to talk tough, but act weak, on Islamism, and I believe him.

Give in to the magic, ladies and gentlemen.  Trump will do what he says – and America’s last glimmer of hope to save herself from Reagan’s famous thousand years of darkness will vanish.
http://www.americanthinker.com/articles/2016/03/why_i_trust_trump.html#ixzz4L7Ww1Dv7

 

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Americans’ Trust in Mass Media Sinks to New Low

by Art Swift

STORY HIGHLIGHTS

  • 32% say they have “a great deal” or “a fair amount” of trust
  • 14% of Republicans express trust, down from 32% last year
  • Confidence drops among younger and older Americans

WASHINGTON, D.C. — Americans’ trust and confidence in the mass media “to report the news fully, accurately and fairly” has dropped to its lowest level in Gallup polling history, with 32% saying they have a great deal or fair amount of trust in the media. This is down eight percentage points from last year.

Americans' Trust in the Mass Media

Gallup began asking this question in 1972, and on a yearly basis since 1997. Over the history of the entire trend, Americans’ trust and confidence hit its highest point in 1976, at 72%, in the wake of widely lauded examples of investigative journalism regarding Vietnam and the Watergate scandal. After staying in the low to mid-50s through the late 1990s and into the early years of the new century, Americans’ trust in the media has fallen slowly and steadily. It has consistently been below a majority level since 2007.

Republicans Fuel Drop in Media Trust

While it is clear Americans’ trust in the media has been eroding over time, the election campaign may be the reason that it has fallen so sharply this year. With many Republican leaders and conservative pundits saying Hillary Clinton has received overly positive media attention, while Donald Trump has been receiving unfair or negative attention, this may be the prime reason their relatively low trust in the media has evaporated even more. It is also possible that Republicans think less of the media as a result of Trump’s sharp criticisms of the press. Republicans who say they have trust in the media has plummeted to 14% from 32% a year ago. This is easily the lowest confidence among Republicans in 20 years.

Trust in Mass Media, by Party

Democrats’ and independents’ trust in the media has declined only marginally, with 51% of Democrats (compared with 55% last year) and 30% of independents (versus 33% last year) expressing trust. Over the past 20 years, Democrats have generally expressed more trust than Republicans in the media, although in 2000, the two parties were most closely aligned, with 53% of Democrats and 47% of Republicans professing trust.

Trust in Mass Media Falls Across Age Groups

Older Americans are more likely than younger Americans to say they trust the media, but trust has declined among both age groups this year. Currently, 26% of those aged 18 to 49 (down from 36% last year) and 38% of those aged 50 and older (down from 45%) say they have a great deal or fair amount of trust in the media.

Trust in Mass Media, by Age

In 2001, younger Americans (55%) were more likely than older Americans (50%) to express trust and confidence in mass media. This gap emerged again in 2005 when 53% of 18- to 49-year-olds had trust and 45% of those 50 and older expressed the same sentiment. Yet in the past decade, older Americans have mostly had more confidence than younger Americans, and this year, the gap between these age groups is 12 points. And 2016 marks the first time that confidence among older Americans has dropped below 40% in polling since 2001.

Bottom Line

The divisive presidential election this year may be corroding Americans’ trust and confidence in the media, particularly among Republicans who may believe the “mainstream media” are too hyperfocused on every controversial statement or policy proposal from Trump while devoting far less attention to controversies surrounding the Clinton campaign. However, the slide in media trust has been happening for the past decade. Before 2004, it was common for a majority of Americans to profess at least some trust in the mass media, but since then, less than half of Americans feel that way. Now, only about a third of the U.S. has any trust in the Fourth Estate, a stunning development for an institution designed to inform the public.

With the explosion of the mass media in recent years, especially the prevalence of blogs, vlogs and social media, perhaps Americans decry lower standards for journalism. When opinion-driven writing becomes something like the norm, Americans may be wary of placing trust on the work of media institutions that have less rigorous reporting criteria than in the past. On the other hand, as blogs and social media “mature,” they may improve in the American public’s eyes. This could, in turn, elevate Americans’ trust and confidence in the mass media as a whole.

Historical data are available in Gallup Analytics.

Survey Methods

Results for this Gallup poll are based on telephone interviews conducted Sept. 7-11, 2016, with a random sample of 1,020 adults, aged 18 and older, living in all 50 U.S. states and the District of Columbia. For results based on the total sample of national adults, the margin of sampling error is ±4 percentage points at the 95% confidence level. All reported margins of sampling error include computed design effects for weighting.

Each sample of national adults includes a minimum quota of 60% cellphone respondents and 40% landline respondents, with additional minimum quotas by time zone within region. Landline and cellular telephone numbers are selected using random-digit-dial methods.

View complete question responses and trends.

Learn more about how the Gallup Poll Social Series works.

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