The Pronk Pops Show 755, September 14, 2016, Story 1: New York City Liberal Democrat/Republican Trump Tuning of Tax Code With Politically Popular Child Care Plan But Economically Stupid Santa Claus Socialism Mandated Entitlement Program — Not A Game Changer — vs. Fundamental Tax Reform With A Single Broad Based Consumption Tax Replacing All Federal Taxes (Income, Payroll, Capital Gains, Alternative Minimum Tax, Estate and Gift) With A Single Consumption Tax of 20% On Spending For New Goods and Services and A Tax Prebate For Adult American Citizens of $1,000 Per Month or $12,000 Per Year (For Necessities of Life)! — Efficient Fair Flat Simple Transparent — Abolishes IRS and All Tax Returns! — Fair Tax Less Now! — A Business, Job, Income, Investment, Savings and Wealth Creator — Videos –Story 2: Movement Conservatives, Constitutional Conservatives, Tea Party Patriots, Libertarians, and Classical Liberals Will Start Successful Viable Party — Independents United Against The Two Party Tyranny of Big Government Democrats and Republicans — Videos
Story 1: New York City Liberal Democrat/Republican Trump Tuning of Tax Code With Politically Popular Child Care Plan But Economically Stupid Santa Claus Socialism Mandated Entitlement Program — Not A Game Changer — vs. Fundamental Tax Reform With A Single Broad Based Consumption Tax Replacing All Federal Taxes (Income, Payroll, Capital Gains, Alternative Minimum Tax, Estate and Gift) With A Single Consumption Tax of 20% On Spending For New Goods and Services and A Tax Prebate For Adult American Citizens of $1,000 Per Month or $12,000 Per Year (For Necessities of Life)! — Efficient Fair Flat Simple Transparent — Abolishes IRS and All Tax Returns! — Fair Tax Less Now! — A Business, Job, Income, Investment, Savings and Wealth Creator — Videos —
Table 1. Summary of Federal Income Tax Data, 2013
Number of Returns*
AGI ($ millions)
Income Taxes Paid ($ millions)
Group’s Share of Total AGI
Group’s Share of Income Taxes
Income Split Point
Average Tax Rate
All Taxpayers
138,313,155
$9,033,840
$1,231,911
100.00%
100.00%
Top 1%
1,383,132
$1,719,794
$465,705
19.04%
37.80%
$428,713
27.08%
1-5%
5,532,526
$1,389,594
$255,537
15.38%
20.74%
18.39%
Top 5%
6,915,658
$3,109,388
$721,242
34.42%
58.55%
$179,760
23.20%
5-10%
6,915,658
$1,034,110
$138,621
11.45%
11.25%
13.40%
Top 10%
13,831,316
$4,143,498
$859,863
45.87%
69.80%
$127,695
20.75%
10-25%
20,746,973
$2,008,180
$202,935
22.23%
16.47%
10.11%
Top 25%
34,578,289
$6,151,678
$1,062,798
68.10%
86.27%
$74,955
17.28%
25-50%
34,578,289
$1,843,925
$134,805
20.41%
10.94%
7.31%
Top 50%
69,156,578
$7,995,603
$1,197,603
88.51%
97.22%
$36,841
14.98%
Bottom 50%
69,156,578
$1,038,237
$34,307
11.49%
2.78%
$36,841
3.30%
*Does not include dependent filers.
FULL SPEECH: Donald Trump Unveils Child Care Policy in Aston, PA 9/13/16
RUSH: Trump’s Child Care Plan Is ‘DICEY’
The cost of Trump’s child care plan
Trump on child care plan, tax returns, ‘deplorables’ remark
Ivanka Trump on the importance of child-care reforms
Forbes sounds off on Trump’s child care speech
Donald Trump Child Care Plan – Cavuto
O’Reilly: Trump’s Child-Care Plan ‘Not the Usual Republican Smaller Gov’t Situation’
Will Trump’s child care plan move the needle with women?
FairTax: Fire Up Our Economic Engine (Official HD)
Congressman Woodall Discusses the FairTax
Pence on the Fair Tax
The Case for the Fair Tax
Sen. Moran Discusses FairTax Legislation on U.S. Senate Floor
The FairTax for Dummies – Simple to Understand
Mike Huckabee: The fair tax is a superior alternative
Watch Presidential Candidate Gary Johnson Defend the Fair Tax | Fortune
Freedom from the IRS! – FairTax Explained in Detail
CHILD CARE REFORMS THAT WILL MAKE AMERICA GREAT AGAIN
Fact Sheet for Donald J. Trump’s New Child Care Plan: Click Here
Current Policies Hold Families Back
Over the past 40 years, the labor force participation of women with children under 18 has grown from 47 percent in 1975 to 70 percent today. Raising a child is now the single greatest expense for most American families—even exceeding the cost of housing in much of the country. Almost two-thirds (64 percent) of mothers with children under 6 are working outside of the home.
Government policies are stuck in the past, and make already difficult choices regarding care arrangements even more difficult. Outdated policies in many cases cause women to make choices that are not the best for either their families or the economy.
Today’s workforce includes 73.5 million women representing 47 percent of the entire US labor force. Over 24 million of those women have children under age 18; almost 10 million of them have children under age 6. Women are the primary breadwinners in 40 percent of American households with children under the age of 18, but hold 62 percent of minimum wage jobs. The number of families headed by single mothers has doubled in the last 30 years; about two-thirds of these mothers work in “dead-end, poorly compensated jobs without flexibility or benefits.” Government policies must be especially helpful for these women.
Current federal policies regarding child and dependent care do not reflect either the needs of American families or the contributions of women to the American workforce. The high cost of quality care burdens working families while the tax code provides disincentives for women to reenter or enter the workforce.
Our plan will transform child and dependent care to meet the needs of 21st century families, empowering parents—not bureaucrats.
The Trump Plan Will Empower Parents and Achieve the Following Goals:
1. Help every family with the costs of childcare and eldercare.
2. Empower families to choose the care that is right for their family.
3. Create a new, dynamic market for family-based and community-based solutions.
4. Incentivize employers to provide childcare at the workplace.
5. Provide 6 weeks of paid leave to new mothers before returning to work.
Details of Donald J. Trump’s Plan for Child and Dependent Care:
Exclude the costs of child and elder care from tax
In a world where almost two-thirds of mothers with children under age 6 are employed, the cost of childcare is an unavoidable family expense. In business, other such expenditures are tax-deductible, but they are not for families. The Trump plan will exclude childcare costs from the income tax from birth to age 13, the period where children need supervised care, and will include adoptive parents as well as foster parents who are legal guardians of the child. The exclusion (also known as an above-the-line deduction) will cover up to 4 children per family.
The exclusion would apply to a variety of different kinds of childcare—institutional, private, nursery school, afterschool care, and enrichment activities—affording choice to parents. The deduction would be limited to the average cost of childcare in the state of residence for the age of the child.
Importantly, the benefit would be provided to families who use stay-at-home parents or grandparents as well as those who use paid caregivers. This would level the playing field for parents when it comes to determining what’s in a family’s best interest. It would also be a belated recognition by the federal government of the economic value of the work provided by stay-at-home parents.
Similarly, the Trump plan would also allow an above-the-line deduction for eldercare costs necessary to keep a family member working outside the home. It would apply to costs like home care or adult day care costs for elderly dependents when those expenses are needed to keeping family members in the workforce. The deduction would be limited to $5,000 per year.
While an above-the-line deduction is a significant tax benefit, it may not provide sufficient relief to the lowest-earning taxpayers. To get real benefits to lower-income taxpayers who can’t use the exclusion against the income tax because they have no income tax liability, the Trump plan would also provide them a boost in the Earned Income Tax Credit (EITC). This boost would be half of the payroll taxes paid by the lower earning parent, and would be subject to an income limitation of $31,200.
For a parent making $15 per hour at a full-time job, the EITC boost in the Trump plan could mean as much as $1,200 extra per year. Importantly, when parents fill out their taxes they can check a box to directly deposit any portion of their EITC into their childcare savings account (discussed in more detail below). This will encourage saving, and make it easier for low-income parents to receive their federal match.
Allowing every family, whether they take the standard or itemized deduction, to deduct childcare expenses from tax will help get the incentives right for women who opt to work outside the home. The current tax code discourages their work.
The tax code combines the income of both spouses in a family when determining the marginal tax rate, so the additional income earned by a mother who returns to the workforce is taxed at the highest rate that applies to the family. The above-the-line deduction for child and elder care mitigates this effect.
Experts agree that childcare is properly expensed to ameliorate the effects of a tax code written over 65 years ago for a workforce that no longer exists. Dual-earner families were not prevalent in 1949 when the current tax regime for families was put in place. Today, however, almost two-thirds of married couples are dual-earners, more than twice the number of single-earner married couples.
As AEI economist Alan Viard put it, “Under basic tax policy principles, workers should be allowed to deduct the expenses of earning the income on which they are taxed. Child care meets the economic definition of a work-related expense — parents are less likely to work when child care becomes more expensive….Families should be free to make their own child care choices, based on the options available to them, their understanding of their children’s needs, and their moral values, without interference from the tax system.”
Changes in the family, workforce, and the large proportion of women who work outside the home require us to fix the broken tax code. Excluding the costs of childcare from taxation will help every family with the costs of child and dependent care. The Trump plan will promote strong families and grow the workforce, which will increase productivity and spur economic growth. Most importantly, it will provide families real choice in making decisions about how to provide care for their loved ones.
Create Child Care Savings Accounts
After finding the right care for their circumstances, families should also have an option to set aside extra money to further foster their child’s development. The Trump plan will provide Americans the option of opening dependent care savings accounts (DCSAs) so that they can plan for future expenses relating to child and elder care.
Annual contributions to a dependent care savings account and earnings on the account will not be subject to tax. Immediate family members and employers will also be able to set aside funds in these accounts, which will be established for the benefit of specific individuals, including unborn children. Total contributions could not exceed $2,000 per year from all sources, but balances in a DCSA will rollover from year-to-year so that substantial amounts could be accumulated over a period of years.
When established for a child, parents can use the accumulated funds to enroll their kids in a school of their choice or for other enrichment activities that prepare them for their future. Funds remaining in the account when the child reaches 18 can be used for higher education expenses. To encourage low-income families to establish DCSAs for their children, the government will provide a 50 percent match on parental contributions of up to $1,000 per year. That’s an extra $500 per child for families that qualify. This will encourage savings, and position families to be better able to withstand the unexpected costs of childrearing.
When established for an elderly dependent, the funds can be used for adult day care, in-home or long-term care services. The ability to set aside funds tax-free would be particularly helpful to women, low-income workers and minorities, who are typically primary care providers that reduce paid time worked in order to provide care. The ability to set aside funds for elder care is critically important because taking time off from working to care for elderly family members reduces a woman’s financial readiness for retirement, and can increase a woman’s risk of living in poverty in old age.
The flexibility and security provided by the dependent care savings account under the Trump plan will be of great benefit to all who participate, enabling them to save tax-free for the expected costs of family life. Additionally, this will help increase the low US savings rate (currently 5.7 percent), where 47 percent of Americans cannot meet an unexpected expense of $400 without resorting to borrowing or selling personal property.
Create a new, dynamic market for family-based and community-based solutions
Finding quality childcare is a challenge, particularly in low-income and rural communities. The Trump plan will reduce regulations that disproportionately favor center-based care to create a new, dynamic market for family-based and community-based solutions. Families will be given the power and information to choose who will be providing care and where that care will be provided without fear of loss of government benefits. The marketplace will be free to develop alternatives that provide care where needed, and at the times when people who work irregular hours need care.
Current federal efforts to reduce childcare costs, such as the pre-tax flexible spending accounts available to many workers, are biased toward center-based care. The lack of choice limits options for people who work irregular hours and those who live in rural communities where choices for center-based care are not available nearby. Federal regulations already in the pipeline likely will limit choices further. Devolving regulatory authority to the states to set guidelines appropriate to the needs of its residents for items like staffing and facility size would be a priority in the Trump administration.
As the Independent Women’s Forum put it in a recent report: “Analysts have found that day-care regulations, particularly related to child-to-staff ratios, are costly and fail to improve the quality of care received by the children. Moreover, they may be counterproductive since they require day-care providers to focus on quantity of caregivers, rather than the quality of those professionals. State policymakers should relax staff size regulations so that day-care centers can reallocate funds to other priorities, such as attracting and retaining more highly-skilled workers, and reducing prices for parents.”
In addition, informal networks of friends and relatives are an important source of childcare that is convenient and trusted. These flexible arrangements can also help meet the need for care during nontraditional hours. Moms helping moms and grandparents caring for children should be facilitated not discouraged. The costs of such care will be excluded from tax under the Trump plan if allowed by the state.
Reducing regulations to allow the market to work will result in innovative solutions that meet the particular circumstances faced by families in the communities where they live. Such solutions will not be arrived at through Washington bureaucracy and a one-size-fits-all solution.
Incentivize employers to provide childcare at the workplace
The 2014 National Survey of Employers found that only 7 percent of employers offered childcare at or near the worksite. The Trump plan will incentivize employers to provide childcare at the workplace by making the existing tax credit for employer-based childcare facilities more effective, and will allow the same income tax exclusion allowed to individuals to businesses that contribute to an employees’ cost of childcare.
Legislation enacted in 2001 included a bipartisan incentive for on-site childcare. That law gave companies that provide appropriately-licensed on-site childcare centers a tax credit of up to 25 percent of facility expenditures, plus 10 percent of resource and referral costs, up to a limit of $150,000 per calendar year; a portion of the credit is recaptured if the center is kept in service for less than 10 tax years. The Trump plan would increase the cap, shorten the recapture period, and devise ways for companies to pool resources in order to make the credit more attractive.
Because breakdowns in employee childcare networks of care cost U.S. businesses $4.4 billion annually as a consequence of avoidable employee absenteeism, both businesses and families will benefit from the increased availability of convenient, reliable, care. On-site child care centers save employees time—as much as 30 minutes per morning—which will ultimately be to the employers’ benefit as parents are more productive knowing that their children are accessible to them in case of an emergency. Such facilities could also provide back-up or emergency care for employees with family-based or in-home care.
Further, allowing businesses the same exclusion from income for their contributions to their employees’ childcare will give businesses the opportunity to provide a benefit that helps their employees remain in the workforce. This may be particularly attractive to small businesses that are unable to provide worksite care and take full advantage of the tax credit for on-site childcare centers.
Enabling businesses to make it more convenient for parents with children to work makes good business sense, and helps all working women.
Provide 6 weeks of maternity leave to new mothers
The United States is the only developed country that does not provide cash benefits for new mothers. According to the U.S. Department of Labor: “Only 12 percent of U.S. private sector workers have access to paid family leave through their employer”. Each year, 1.4 million women who work give birth without any paid leave from their employer.
The Trump plan will enhance Unemployment Insurance (UI) to include 6 weeks of paid leave for new mothers so that they can take time off of work after having a baby. This would triple the average 2 weeks of paid leave received by new mothers, which will benefit both the mother and the child.
Providing a temporary unemployment benefit for eight weeks through the UI system would cost $2.5 billion annually at an average benefit of $300 per week. This cost could be offset through changes in the existing UI system, such as by reducing the $5.6 billion per year in improper payments or implementing the proposals included in the administration’s FY 2017 budget regarding program integrity. Providing the benefit through UI—paid for through program savings—will not be financially onerous to small businesses when compared with mandating paid leave.
An analysis of a similar program in California has shown that unmarried, nonwhite, and non-college educated mothers receive the most benefit. The Trump plan for paid maternity leave will advance the interests of disadvantaged mothers without raising taxes.
The Trump plan promotes economic freedom for women
Families make decisions about whether to work outside of the home or not based on the cost and availability of child and elder care. Many women stop paid work to provide care because other options are not readily available. This often limits their careers, and is fundamental to the wage disparities that women face. As noted above, in 2014, single women without children made 94 cents on a man’s dollar, but married mothers with children under 18 made only 81 cents.
A one-size-fits-all solution ignores the reality of today’s modern family dynamics. It is essential to empower women who choose to work outside the home to do so, without penalty, while also supporting women who make the important choice to work inside the home, caring for their families.
Child and elder care policies proposed under the Trump Plan will foster economic and family growth. Policies like paid maternity leave, treating childcare like a business expense, and enabling innovative care models will keep women in the workforce if that is what she chooses. Retaining women in the workforce is essential, not just for the woman’s benefit but for that of her family, her employer, her community and her country—helping to Make America Great Again
Today Donald J. Trump Will Unveil An Innovative Plan To Bring Federal Policies In Line With The Needs Of Today’s Working Parents
NEW YORK, NY – Today Mr. Trump will proposes an innovative plan to bring federal tax policies in line with the needs of today’s families. His plan is not for the wealthy, but rather provides the biggest benefit to working- and middle-class families. This plan is needed because child care expenses are one of the largest expenses in many families, complicating a family’s decision on how to care for young children. The Trump reforms will allow a family to make the choice of whether a parent should work outside the home or not without bias from the tax code. Having employed and empowered thousands of women at every level throughout his entire career, Donald Trump understands the needs of the modern workforce.
Proposals Contained In Mr. Trump Child Care Plan
PROPOSAL: The Trump plan will rewrite the tax code to allow working parents to deduct from their income taxes child care expenses for up to four children and elderly dependents.
The deduction is available for taxpayers who take the standard deduction as well as itemize deductions, and will be capped at the average cost of care for the state of residence. Individuals earning more than $250,000 (or $500,000 if filing jointly) will not be eligible for the deduction. For a family earning $70,000 per year in the 12 percent tax bracket with $7,000 in child care expenses, the deduction would reduce taxes by $840 per year.
The plan will offer child care spending rebates to lower-income taxpayers through the existing Earned Income Tax Credit (EITC). This could mean almost $1,200 per year per eligible family.
Mr. Trump’s plan will ensure stay-at-home parents will receive the same tax deduction as working parents, offering compensation for the job they’re already doing, and allowing them to choose the child care scenario that’s in their best interest.
PROPOSAL: The Trump plan would create new Dependent Care Savings Accounts (DCSAs) so that families can set aside extra money to foster their children’s development and offset elder care for their parents or adult dependents. These new accounts are available to everyone, and allow both tax-deductible contributions and tax-free appreciation year-to-year-unlike current law Dependent Care Flexible Spending Accounts (FSAs), which are available only if it is offered by an employer and does not allow balances to accumulate.
When established for a minor, funds from a DCSA can be applied to traditional child care, after-school enrichment programs and school tuition-contributing to school choice. To help lower-income parents, the government will match half of the first $1,000 deposited per year.
When established for an elderly dependent, a DCSA can cover a variety of services, including in-home nursing and long-term care.
PROPOSAL: Mr. Trump’s plan will provide regulatory reform to promote new family-based and community-based solutions, and also add incentives for employers to provide child care at the workplace. The ability to set aside funds will be particularly helpful to women, low-income workers and minorities, who are statistically more likely to reduce time working outside the home in order to provide unpaid care.
PROPOSAL: The Trump plan will guarantee six weeks of paid maternity leave by amending the existing unemployment insurance (UI) that companies are required to carry. The benefit would apply only when employers don’t offer paid maternity leave, and would be paid for by offsetting reductions in the program so that taxes are not raised. This enhancement will triple the average paid leave received by new mothers.
Frequently Asked Questions About The Trump Child Care Plan
Q: How Will The Plan Be Paid For?
The child care plan is part of the comprehensive tax, trade, energy and regulation reform plan proposed by Donald Trump at the Detroit Economic Club. More details about his tax plan will be discussed later this week at the New York Economic Club. The child care plan itself can more than be offset by additional growth. About two-thirds of the entire Trump tax reform program will offset by the increases in economic activity that accompany pro-growth tax reform, better trade deals, regulatory and immigration reform, and unleashing American energy. The remaining one-third will be offset by minor changes in the current trajectory of spending for federal agency operations, excluding Defense, Veterans, Social Security and Medicare.
Q: Will The Benefits Already Provided For Child Care Expenses, Like The Dependent Care Flexible Spending Account And Child Tax Credit, Be Eliminated Under The Trump Plan?
No, the benefits provided by the Trump child care plan are in addition to the benefits available under current law. Current programs do not serve the large numbers of families that would benefit from the Trump plan, but if a family finds that it benefits more from existing programs, they would still be available. The only restriction would be that the same child care spending cannot be used for multiple benefits programs—no double-dipping.
Q: Will Same-Sex Couples Receive The Benefits?
The benefits would be available in the same way that the IRS currently recognizes same-sex couples: if the marriage is recognized under state law, then it is recognized under federal law.
Q: Will The Maternity Leave Policy Cause Employers To View Women As Less Desirable Employees Because Of Paid Leave?
No. The cost to an employer of hiring should not be affected by this fully-offset policy, so the employer should not view hiring women as adding to their costs of Unemployment Insurance. Further, employers in a competitive marketplace should not eliminate existing maternity care benefits to instead take advantage of the UI system. The UI benefit would only equal what would be paid to a laid-off employee, which is much less than a workers’ regular paycheck. This should prevent abuse while providing a safety net for the sake of the health of mother and child.
Donald J. Trump’s Plan Is More Complete Than Hillary Clinton’s Plan
Point One: Hillary Clinton does not have a plan to provide relief to most Americans faced with high child care costs. She claims she wants to cap a family’s child care expense at 10 percent of income, but provides no details. The Trump plan would provide relief to every working- and middle-income earner who has child care expenses. For example, the Trump plan would reduce taxes by $840 per year a family for earning $70,000 per year in the 12 percent tax bracket with $7,000 in child care expenses; Hillary Clinton’s plan would provide no relief to this family.
Point Two: Hillary Clinton prefers institutional child care that does not meet the needs of workers in rural areas or who have schedules that require working on a night shift or on call. The Trump plan would give states the flexibility to establish standards that fit the needs of state residents without compromising quality.
Point Three: Hillary Clinton would force businesses to pay for 12 weeks of fully-paid family leave at their expense. The Trump plan proposes 6 weeks of partial pay through the existing Unemployment Insurance system, fully paid for within the program.
The problem with Donald Trump’s plan for child care
By Max Ehrenfreund August 8
A Donald Trump campaign hat is beneath a chair before Trump speaks to the Detroit Economic Club on Aug. 8. (Eric Thayer/Reuters)
In a speech on economic policy in Detroit Monday, Donald Trump put forward a new idea for helping American families pay for child care: Allow taxpayers to deduct child-care expenses from their incomes. Under Trump’s proposal, families with children would save money when paying their taxes, and the government would essentially pay part of the cost of looking after their kids.
Experts on child care are skeptical, though. The cost of the plan for the government could be exorbitant, and it is not clear how the policy would help poor and middle-class families. More affluent families would likely save the most money under the plan.
“I’m most concerned about a single mother who doesn’t earn a lot of money and who has a couple of kids at home,” said Michael Strain, an economist at the conservative American Enterprise Institute. “The benefits of this policy will not accrue to the people who most need help.”
Trump offered few other details about his plan. In general, though, deductions such as the one proposed by Trump overwhelmingly benefit wealthy families. For example, the wealthiest fifth of households claims 73 percent of the savings from the deduction for mortgage interest and 84 percent of the savings from the charitable deduction, according to the Congressional Budget Office.
There are a few reasons that these deductions primarily benefit wealthy families. First, many working-class households do not pay any federal taxes on their income. Second, even those that do pay income taxes generally opt to take the standard deduction from their income, rather than itemizing expenses like child care. From the few words that Trump offered in his speech, it was not clear whether his plan would provide additional benefits for these households beyond the current standard deduction.
[The big difference between Donald Trump’s and Hillary Clinton’s child care plans]
For example, just 6 percent of households with less than $20,000 in income itemized their deductions, according to the Congressional Research Service. Among those with between $20,000 and $50,000, 22 percent itemized. By contrast, 84 percent of those with between $100,000 and $200,000 itemized.
Third, the same deduction is worth more in savings to wealthier households, because those households pay taxes on their income at a greater rate.
Suppose a family paying taxes at a marginal rate of 15 percent is able to deduct $1,000 from their income. They would avoid $150 in taxes as a result. But if another family — likely wealthier — is paying taxes at a marginal rate of 35 percent, the same deduction would be worth $350 to them. That is one reason that wealthier households are more likely to itemize their expenses.
Finally, more affluent households spend more on child care anyway, so they could deduct more from their income under Trump’s plan.
A recent report from the Agriculture Department on the cost of raising children in the United States estimates that a typical single-parent household with less than $62,000 in income spends $3,600 on a child’s care and education through the age of 5.
By contrast, the typical husband and wife with more than $107,000 in annual income spend nearly $11,000 on child care, according to the report — about three times as much.
In his speech, Trump implied that there might be a limit on the amount that families could deduct for child care, and that families that spend more than average would not be able to deduct all of their expenses.
“My plan will also help reduce the cost of child care by allowing parents to fully deduct the average cost of child-care spending from their taxes,” Trump said.
Wonkbook newsletter
Your daily policy cheat sheet from Wonkblog.
Sign up
It’s not yet clear how Trump would calculate average child-care expenses. Since Trump still has not specified exactly what kinds of child-care expenses would be eligible for deduction, it is impossible to know exactly how different families would fare.
It is also impossible to know what the total costs to the federal government would be. Trump said that additional details on his plan would be forthcoming.
In any case, Strain expects the total to be large, and given that the government would be giving up so much tax revenue primarily to benefit affluent families, he argues the proposal is misguided.
Since Trump has promised to broadly reduce other taxes as well, the deduction would presumably force the government to borrow more money, increasing the national debt.
“Combined with Mr. Trump’s tax plan, his child-care plan just makes his overall fiscal policy that much more irresponsible,” Strain said.
Republican presidential candidate Donald Trump Tuesday unveiled his new proposal to help families with the high cost of child care expenses.
It’s a policy issue he has not focused on throughout his long career (although he has inaccurately said a child care program offered for guests of his resorts is available for his employees’ child care needs). He also repeatedly said in the past that it’s up to women to take the lead in child care.
The issue is, however, important to his daughter, Ivanka Trump, a working mom of three, who previewed the idea during her convention speech in July. He told a rally in Iowa earlier in the day she said, “Daddy, daddy, we have to do this.”
In need of the women’s vote, two months later – and less than two months before Election Day – Trump has unveiled his plan. Polls consistently show that he is losing to Clinton among women voters and he is making a direct appeal to them by releasing a plan tailored for middle and upper middle-class women in suburban Philadelphia, where many of those voters reside in a critical battleground state.
The night before the plan’s roll out, Trump claimed that his Democratic opponent, Hillary Clinton, is running a campaign “with no policy, no solutions, and no new ideas.”
In fact, Clinton has had her plans for early child care in place since before she announced her candidacy in the spring of 2015. Clinton’s final public event before declaring her presidential bid last April was to launch a new initiative at an early childhood development center in a poor neighborhood of Brooklyn with New York City First Lady Chirlane McCray. The issue has remained central to her candidacy. (And it’s an issue she has worked on since her first job out of law school at the Children’s Defense Fund.)
Now that both candidates have proposals, it’s worth comparing the two.
Paid Family Leave
Trump:Trump doesn’t offer leave for fathers, but his maternity leave plan would guarantee six weeks of paid maternity leave in the form of unemployment insurance, which is capped at a percentage of income in many states.
Clinton: Clinton’s plan guarantees 12 weeks of paid family leave – for mothers and fathers with at least two-thirds of their salary. It would be paid for by raising taxes on the wealthy.
Cost of Child Care
Trump: Working parents – and parents who stay home to care for children – can deduct the costs on their taxes via the Earned Income Tax Credit. The campaign estimates that middle class families could receive a $1,200 tax break.
Trump also proposes a Dependent Care Savings Account that allow the accumulation of funds and are tax deductible and appreciate tax free. Dependent care accounts already exist but must be used by the end of the year and only available through an employer.
Clinton: She wants to cap child care costs at ten percent of a family’s income. To do that, she’d rely on tax cuts or state block grants for the government to subsidize costs exceeding ten percent.
Obama Stumps for Clinton, Does Not Mention Her Health 0:33
What It Means
Experts say that Trump’s plan is a good start and a recognition that the issue is important to women and families, but Vivien Labaton, co-executive director of Make It Work Action, said Trump’s plan offers less than Clinton’s.
“His childcare proposal is really designed for the Ivanka Trump’s of the country more than the working families who need help,” Labaton said.
She said any plan, including Trump’s, that offers a tax rebate won’t work for many lower income families. Many struggling families don’t make enough to pay taxes and other struggling families who do pay taxes need up-front relief up before tax time.
“Clinton’s plan goes much further in calling for a much larger investment in child care,” Labaton said. “There are still details to learn about her plan but she seems to recognize the crisis that it is.”
Labaton would like Trump to also address the low wages of caregivers, something Clinton has talked about but not given specific solutions.
The Internal Revenue Service has recently released new data on individual income taxes for calendar year 2013, showing the number of taxpayers, adjusted gross income, and income tax shares by income percentiles.[1]
The data demonstrates that the U.S. individual income tax continues to be progressive, borne mainly by the highest income earners.
Key Findings
In 2013, 138.3 million taxpayers reported earning $9.03 trillion in adjusted gross income and paid $1.23 trillion in income taxes.
Every income group besides the top 1 percent of taxpayers reported higher income in 2013 than the previous year. All income groups paid higher taxes in 2013 than the previous year.
The share of income earned by the top 1 percent of taxpayers fell to 19.0 percent in 2013. Their share of federal income taxes fell slightly to 37.8 percent.
In 2012, the top 50 percent of all taxpayers (69.2 million filers) paid 97.2 percent of all income taxes while the bottom 50 percent paid the remaining 2.8 percent.
The top 1 percent (1.3 million filers) paid a greater share of income taxes (37.8 percent) than the bottom 90 percent (124.5 million filers) combined (30.2 percent).
The top 1 percent of taxpayers paid a higher effective income tax rate than any other group, at 27.1 percent, which is over 8 times higher than taxpayers in the bottom 50 percent (3.3 percent).
Reported Income Decreased in 2013, but Taxes Increase
Taxpayers reported $9.03 trillion in adjusted gross income (AGI) on 138.3 million tax returns in 2013. While the U.S. economy grew in 2013, total AGI fell by $8 billion from 2012 levels. Furthermore, there were 2.2 million more returns filed in 2013 than 2012, meaning that average AGI fell by $1,131 per return.
The most likely explanation behind lower AGI in 2013 is unusually high capital gains realizations in 2012.[2] Because the top tax rate on long-term capital gains and qualified dividends was set to rise from 15 percent to 23.8 percent in 2013, many high-income Americans realized their capital gains in 2012, to take advantage of low tax rates. As capital gains realizations fell to normal levels in 2013, overall AGI decreased. Accordingly, only the top 1 percent of taxpayers saw a decrease in income in 2013; all other groups saw their income increase.
Despite the decrease in overall income reported, taxes paid increased by $46 billion to $1.232 trillion in 2013. Taxes paid increased for all income groups.
The share of income earned by the top 1 percent fell to 19.04 percent of total AGI, down from 21.86 percent in 2012. The share of the income tax burden for the top 1 percent also fell slightly, from 38.09 percent in 2012 to 37.80 percent in 2013.
Table 1. Summary of Federal Income Tax Data, 2013
Number of Returns*
AGI ($ millions)
Income Taxes Paid ($ millions)
Group’s Share of Total AGI
Group’s Share of Income Taxes
Income Split Point
Average Tax Rate
All Taxpayers
138,313,155
$9,033,840
$1,231,911
100.00%
100.00%
Top 1%
1,383,132
$1,719,794
$465,705
19.04%
37.80%
$428,713
27.08%
1-5%
5,532,526
$1,389,594
$255,537
15.38%
20.74%
18.39%
Top 5%
6,915,658
$3,109,388
$721,242
34.42%
58.55%
$179,760
23.20%
5-10%
6,915,658
$1,034,110
$138,621
11.45%
11.25%
13.40%
Top 10%
13,831,316
$4,143,498
$859,863
45.87%
69.80%
$127,695
20.75%
10-25%
20,746,973
$2,008,180
$202,935
22.23%
16.47%
10.11%
Top 25%
34,578,289
$6,151,678
$1,062,798
68.10%
86.27%
$74,955
17.28%
25-50%
34,578,289
$1,843,925
$134,805
20.41%
10.94%
7.31%
Top 50%
69,156,578
$7,995,603
$1,197,603
88.51%
97.22%
$36,841
14.98%
Bottom 50%
69,156,578
$1,038,237
$34,307
11.49%
2.78%
$36,841
3.30%
*Does not include dependent filers.
Source: Internal Revenue Service.
High-Income Americans Paid the Majority of Federal Taxes
In 2013, the bottom 50 percent of taxpayers (those with AGIs below $36,841) earned 11.49 percent of total AGI. This group of taxpayers paid approximately $34 billion in taxes, or 2.78 percent of all income taxes in 2013.
In contrast, the top 1 percent of all taxpayers (taxpayers with AGIs of $428,713 and above), earned 19.04 percent of all AGI in 2013, but paid 37.80 percent of all federal income taxes.
In 2013, the top 1 percent of taxpayers accounted for more income taxes paid than the bottom 90 percent combined. The top 1 percent of taxpayers paid $465 billion, or 37.80 percent of all income taxes, while the bottom 90 percent paid $372 billion, or 30.20 percent of all income taxes.
Chart 1.
High-Income Taxpayers Pay the Highest Average Tax Rates
The 2013 IRS data shows that taxpayers with higher incomes pay much higher average income tax rates than lower-income taxpayers.
The bottom 50 percent of taxpayers (taxpayers with AGIs below $36,841) faced an average income tax rate of 3.3 percent. Other taxpayers face much higher rates: for example, taxpayers with AGIs between the 10th and 5th percentile ($127,695 and $179,760) pay an average effective rate of 13.4 percent – four times the rate paid by those in the bottom 50 percent.
The top 1 percent of taxpayers (AGI of $428,713 and above) paid the highest effective income tax rate at 27.1 percent, 8.19 times the rate faced by the bottom 50 percent of taxpayers.
Chart 2.
Taxpayers at the very top of the income distribution, the top 0.1 percent (with AGIs over $1.86 million), paid an even higher average tax rate, of 27.9 percent.
The average tax rate of the top 1 percent of taxpayers rose significantly in 2013, from 21.9 percent in 2012 to 27.1 percent in 2013. This increase in the average tax rate of the 1 percent was largely due to several changes to the federal tax code, imposed at the end of 2012 as part of the “fiscal cliff” tax deal: a new 39.6 percent income tax bracket, a higher top rate on capital gains and dividends, and the reintroduction of the Pease limitation on itemized deductions.[3]
Appendix
Table 2. Number of Federal Individual Income Tax Returns Filed, 1980–2013 (in thousands)
Year
Total
Top 0.1%
Top 1%
Top 5%
Between 5% & 10%
Top 10%
Between 10% & 25%
Top 25%
Between 25% & 50%
Top 50%
Bottom 50%
1980
93,239
932
4,662
4,662
9,324
13,986
23,310
23,310
46,619
46,619
1981
94,587
946
4,729
4,729
9,459
14,188
23,647
23,647
47,293
47,293
1982
94,426
944
4,721
4,721
9,443
14,164
23,607
23,607
47,213
47,213
1983
95,331
953
4,767
4,767
9,533
14,300
23,833
23,833
47,665
47,665
1984
98,436
984
4,922
4,922
9,844
14,765
24,609
24,609
49,218
49,219
1985
100,625
1,006
5,031
5,031
10,063
15,094
25,156
25,156
50,313
50,313
1986
102,088
1,021
5,104
5,104
10,209
15,313
25,522
25,522
51,044
51,044
The Tax Reform Act of 1986 changed the definition of AGI, so data above and below this line are not strictly comparable.
1987
106,155
1,062
5,308
5,308
10,615
15,923
26,539
26,539
53,077
53,077
1988
108,873
1,089
5,444
5,444
10,887
16,331
27,218
27,218
54,436
54,436
1989
111,313
1,113
5,566
5,566
11,131
16,697
27,828
27,828
55,656
55,656
1990
112,812
1,128
5,641
5,641
11,281
16,922
28,203
28,203
56,406
56,406
1991
113,804
1,138
5,690
5,690
11,380
17,071
28,451
28,451
56,902
56,902
1992
112,653
1,127
5,633
5,633
11,265
16,898
28,163
28,163
56,326
56,326
1993
113,681
1,137
5,684
5,684
11,368
17,052
28,420
28,420
56,841
56,841
1994
114,990
1,150
5,749
5,749
11,499
17,248
28,747
28,747
57,495
57,495
1995
117,274
1,173
5,864
5,864
11,727
17,591
29,319
29,319
58,637
58,637
1996
119,442
1,194
5,972
5,972
11,944
17,916
29,860
29,860
59,721
59,721
1997
121,503
1,215
6,075
6,075
12,150
18,225
30,376
30,376
60,752
60,752
1998
123,776
1,238
6,189
6,189
12,378
18,566
30,944
30,944
61,888
61,888
1999
126,009
1,260
6,300
6,300
12,601
18,901
31,502
31,502
63,004
63,004
2000
128,227
1,282
6,411
6,411
12,823
19,234
32,057
32,057
64,114
64,114
The IRS changed methodology, so data above and below this line are not strictly comparable.
2001
119,371
119
1,194
5,969
5,969
11,937
17,906
29,843
29,843
59,685
59,685
2002
119,851
120
1,199
5,993
5,993
11,985
17,978
29,963
29,963
59,925
59,925
2003
120,759
121
1,208
6,038
6,038
12,076
18,114
30,190
30,190
60,379
60,379
2004
122,510
123
1,225
6,125
6,125
12,251
18,376
30,627
30,627
61,255
61,255
2005
124,673
125
1,247
6,234
6,234
12,467
18,701
31,168
31,168
62,337
62,337
2006
128,441
128
1,284
6,422
6,422
12,844
19,266
32,110
32,110
64,221
64,221
2007
132,655
133
1,327
6,633
6,633
13,265
19,898
33,164
33,164
66,327
66,327
2008
132,892
133
1,329
6,645
6,645
13,289
19,934
33,223
33,223
66,446
66,446
2009
132,620
133
1,326
6,631
6,631
13,262
19,893
33,155
33,155
66,310
66,310
2010
135,033
135
1,350
6,752
6,752
13,503
20,255
33,758
33,758
67,517
67,517
2011
136,586
137
1,366
6,829
6,829
13,659
20,488
34,146
34,146
68,293
68,293
2012
136,080
136
1,361
6,804
6,804
13,608
20,412
34,020
34,020
68,040
68,040
2013
138,313
138
1,383
6,916
6,916
13,831
20,747
34,578
34,578
69,157
69,157
Source: Internal Revenue Service.
Table 3. Adjusted Gross Income of Taxpayers in Various Income Brackets, 1980–2013 (in Billions of Dollars)
Year
Total
Top 0.1%
Top 1%
Top 5%
Between 5% & 10%
Top 10%
Between 10% & 25%
Top 25%
Between 25% & 50%
Top 50%
Bottom 50%
1980
$1,627
$138
$342
$181
$523
$400
$922
$417
$1,339
$288
1981
$1,791
$149
$372
$201
$573
$442
$1,015
$458
$1,473
$318
1982
$1,876
$167
$398
$207
$605
$460
$1,065
$478
$1,544
$332
1983
$1,970
$183
$428
$217
$646
$481
$1,127
$498
$1,625
$344
1984
$2,173
$210
$482
$240
$723
$528
$1,251
$543
$1,794
$379
1985
$2,344
$235
$531
$260
$791
$567
$1,359
$580
$1,939
$405
1986
$2,524
$285
$608
$278
$887
$604
$1,490
$613
$2,104
$421
The Tax Reform Act of 1986 changed the definition of AGI, so data above and below this line are not strictly comparable.
1987
$2,814
$347
$722
$316
$1,038
$671
$1,709
$664
$2,374
$440
1988
$3,124
$474
$891
$342
$1,233
$718
$1,951
$707
$2,658
$466
1989
$3,299
$468
$918
$368
$1,287
$768
$2,054
$751
$2,805
$494
1990
$3,451
$483
$953
$385
$1,338
$806
$2,144
$788
$2,933
$519
1991
$3,516
$457
$943
$400
$1,343
$832
$2,175
$809
$2,984
$532
1992
$3,681
$524
$1,031
$413
$1,444
$856
$2,299
$832
$3,131
$549
1993
$3,776
$521
$1,048
$426
$1,474
$883
$2,358
$854
$3,212
$563
1994
$3,961
$547
$1,103
$449
$1,552
$929
$2,481
$890
$3,371
$590
1995
$4,245
$620
$1,223
$482
$1,705
$985
$2,690
$938
$3,628
$617
1996
$4,591
$737
$1,394
$515
$1,909
$1,043
$2,953
$992
$3,944
$646
1997
$5,023
$873
$1,597
$554
$2,151
$1,116
$3,268
$1,060
$4,328
$695
1998
$5,469
$1,010
$1,797
$597
$2,394
$1,196
$3,590
$1,132
$4,721
$748
1999
$5,909
$1,153
$2,012
$641
$2,653
$1,274
$3,927
$1,199
$5,126
$783
2000
$6,424
$1,337
$2,267
$688
$2,955
$1,358
$4,314
$1,276
$5,590
$834
The IRS changed methodology, so data above and below this line are not strictly comparable.
2001
$6,116
$492
$1,065
$1,934
$666
$2,600
$1,334
$3,933
$1,302
$5,235
$881
2002
$5,982
$421
$960
$1,812
$660
$2,472
$1,339
$3,812
$1,303
$5,115
$867
2003
$6,157
$466
$1,030
$1,908
$679
$2,587
$1,375
$3,962
$1,325
$5,287
$870
2004
$6,735
$615
$1,279
$2,243
$725
$2,968
$1,455
$4,423
$1,403
$5,826
$908
2005
$7,366
$784
$1,561
$2,623
$778
$3,401
$1,540
$4,940
$1,473
$6,413
$953
2006
$7,970
$895
$1,761
$2,918
$841
$3,760
$1,652
$5,412
$1,568
$6,980
$990
2007
$8,622
$1,030
$1,971
$3,223
$905
$4,128
$1,770
$5,898
$1,673
$7,571
$1,051
2008
$8,206
$826
$1,657
$2,868
$905
$3,773
$1,782
$5,555
$1,673
$7,228
$978
2009
$7,579
$602
$1,305
$2,439
$878
$3,317
$1,740
$5,058
$1,620
$6,678
$900
2010
$8,040
$743
$1,517
$2,716
$915
$3,631
$1,800
$5,431
$1,665
$7,096
$944
2011
$8,317
$737
$1,556
$2,819
$956
$3,775
$1,866
$5,641
$1,716
$7,357
$961
2012
$9,042
$1,017
$1,977
$3,331
$997
$4,328
$1,934
$6,262
$1,776
$8,038
$1,004
2013
$9,034
$816
$1,720
$3,109
$1,034
$4,143
$2,008
$6,152
$1,844
$7,996
$1,038
Source: Internal Revenue Service.
Table 4. Total Income Tax after Credits, 1980–2013 (in Billions of Dollars)
Year
Total
Top 0.1%
Top 1%
Top 5%
Between 5% & 10%
Top 10%
Between 10% & 25%
Top 25%
Between 25% & 50%
Top 50%
Bottom 50%
1980
$249
$47
$92
$31
$123
$59
$182
$50
$232
$18
1981
$282
$50
$99
$36
$135
$69
$204
$57
$261
$21
1982
$276
$53
$100
$34
$134
$66
$200
$56
$256
$20
1983
$272
$55
$101
$34
$135
$64
$199
$54
$252
$19
1984
$297
$63
$113
$37
$150
$68
$219
$57
$276
$22
1985
$322
$70
$125
$41
$166
$73
$238
$60
$299
$23
1986
$367
$94
$156
$44
$201
$78
$279
$64
$343
$24
The Tax Reform Act of 1986 changed the definition of AGI, so data above and below this line are not strictly comparable.
1987
$369
$92
$160
$46
$205
$79
$284
$63
$347
$22
1988
$413
$114
$188
$48
$236
$85
$321
$68
$389
$24
1989
$433
$109
$190
$51
$241
$93
$334
$73
$408
$25
1990
$447
$112
$195
$52
$248
$97
$344
$77
$421
$26
1991
$448
$111
$194
$56
$250
$96
$347
$77
$424
$25
1992
$476
$131
$218
$58
$276
$97
$374
$78
$452
$24
1993
$503
$146
$238
$60
$298
$101
$399
$80
$479
$24
1994
$535
$154
$254
$64
$318
$108
$425
$84
$509
$25
1995
$588
$178
$288
$70
$357
$115
$473
$88
$561
$27
1996
$658
$213
$335
$76
$411
$124
$535
$95
$630
$28
1997
$727
$241
$377
$82
$460
$134
$594
$102
$696
$31
1998
$788
$274
$425
$88
$513
$139
$652
$103
$755
$33
1999
$877
$317
$486
$97
$583
$150
$733
$109
$842
$35
2000
$981
$367
$554
$106
$660
$164
$824
$118
$942
$38
The IRS changed methodology, so data above and below this line are not strictly comparable.
2001
$885
$139
$294
$462
$101
$564
$158
$722
$120
$842
$43
2002
$794
$120
$263
$420
$93
$513
$143
$657
$104
$761
$33
2003
$746
$115
$251
$399
$85
$484
$133
$617
$98
$715
$30
2004
$829
$142
$301
$467
$91
$558
$137
$695
$102
$797
$32
2005
$932
$176
$361
$549
$98
$647
$145
$793
$106
$898
$33
2006
$1,020
$196
$402
$607
$108
$715
$157
$872
$113
$986
$35
2007
$1,112
$221
$443
$666
$117
$783
$170
$953
$122
$1,075
$37
2008
$1,029
$187
$386
$597
$115
$712
$168
$880
$117
$997
$32
2009
$863
$146
$314
$502
$101
$604
$146
$749
$93
$842
$21
2010
$949
$170
$355
$561
$110
$670
$156
$827
$100
$927
$22
2011
$1,043
$168
$366
$589
$123
$712
$181
$893
$120
$1,012
$30
2012
$1,185
$220
$451
$699
$133
$831
$193
$1,024
$128
$1,152
$33
2013
$1,232
$228
$466
$721
$139
$860
$203
$1,063
$135
$1,198
$34
Table 5. Adjusted Gross Income Shares, 1980–2013 (Percent of Total AGI Earned by Each Group)
Year
Total
Top 0.1%
Top 1%
Top 5%
Between 5% & 10%
Top 10%
Between 10% & 25%
Top 25%
Between 25% & 50%
Top 50%
Bottom 50%
1980
100%
8.46%
21.01%
11.12%
32.13%
24.57%
56.70%
25.62%
82.32%
17.68%
1981
100%
8.30%
20.78%
11.20%
31.98%
24.69%
56.67%
25.59%
82.25%
17.75%
1982
100%
8.91%
21.23%
11.03%
32.26%
24.53%
56.79%
25.50%
82.29%
17.71%
1983
100%
9.29%
21.74%
11.04%
32.78%
24.44%
57.22%
25.30%
82.52%
17.48%
1984
100%
9.66%
22.19%
11.06%
33.25%
24.31%
57.56%
25.00%
82.56%
17.44%
1985
100%
10.03%
22.67%
11.10%
33.77%
24.21%
57.97%
24.77%
82.74%
17.26%
1986
100%
11.30%
24.11%
11.02%
35.12%
23.92%
59.04%
24.30%
83.34%
16.66%
The Tax Reform Act of 1986 changed the definition of AGI, so data above and below this line are not strictly comparable.
1987
100%
12.32%
25.67%
11.23%
36.90%
23.85%
60.75%
23.62%
84.37%
15.63%
1988
100%
15.16%
28.51%
10.94%
39.45%
22.99%
62.44%
22.63%
85.07%
14.93%
1989
100%
14.19%
27.84%
11.16%
39.00%
23.28%
62.28%
22.76%
85.04%
14.96%
1990
100%
14.00%
27.62%
11.15%
38.77%
23.36%
62.13%
22.84%
84.97%
15.03%
1991
100%
12.99%
26.83%
11.37%
38.20%
23.65%
61.85%
23.01%
84.87%
15.13%
1992
100%
14.23%
28.01%
11.21%
39.23%
23.25%
62.47%
22.61%
85.08%
14.92%
1993
100%
13.79%
27.76%
11.29%
39.05%
23.40%
62.45%
22.63%
85.08%
14.92%
1994
100%
13.80%
27.85%
11.34%
39.19%
23.45%
62.64%
22.48%
85.11%
14.89%
1995
100%
14.60%
28.81%
11.35%
40.16%
23.21%
63.37%
22.09%
85.46%
14.54%
1996
100%
16.04%
30.36%
11.23%
41.59%
22.73%
64.32%
21.60%
85.92%
14.08%
1997
100%
17.38%
31.79%
11.03%
42.83%
22.22%
65.05%
21.11%
86.16%
13.84%
1998
100%
18.47%
32.85%
10.92%
43.77%
21.87%
65.63%
20.69%
86.33%
13.67%
1999
100%
19.51%
34.04%
10.85%
44.89%
21.57%
66.46%
20.29%
86.75%
13.25%
2000
100%
20.81%
35.30%
10.71%
46.01%
21.15%
67.15%
19.86%
87.01%
12.99%
The IRS changed methodology, so data above and below this line are not strictly comparable.
2001
100%
8.05%
17.41%
31.61%
10.89%
42.50%
21.80%
64.31%
21.29%
85.60%
14.40%
2002
100%
7.04%
16.05%
30.29%
11.04%
41.33%
22.39%
63.71%
21.79%
85.50%
14.50%
2003
100%
7.56%
16.73%
30.99%
11.03%
42.01%
22.33%
64.34%
21.52%
85.87%
14.13%
2004
100%
9.14%
18.99%
33.31%
10.77%
44.07%
21.60%
65.68%
20.83%
86.51%
13.49%
2005
100%
10.64%
21.19%
35.61%
10.56%
46.17%
20.90%
67.07%
19.99%
87.06%
12.94%
2006
100%
11.23%
22.10%
36.62%
10.56%
47.17%
20.73%
67.91%
19.68%
87.58%
12.42%
2007
100%
11.95%
22.86%
37.39%
10.49%
47.88%
20.53%
68.41%
19.40%
87.81%
12.19%
2008
100%
10.06%
20.19%
34.95%
11.03%
45.98%
21.71%
67.69%
20.39%
88.08%
11.92%
2009
100%
7.94%
17.21%
32.18%
11.59%
43.77%
22.96%
66.74%
21.38%
88.12%
11.88%
2010
100%
9.24%
18.87%
33.78%
11.38%
45.17%
22.38%
67.55%
20.71%
88.26%
11.74%
2011
100%
8.86%
18.70%
33.89%
11.50%
45.39%
22.43%
67.82%
20.63%
88.45%
11.55%
2012
100%
11.25%
21.86%
36.84%
11.03%
47.87%
21.39%
69.25%
19.64%
88.90%
11.10%
2013
100%
9.03%
19.04%
34.42%
11.45%
45.87%
22.23%
68.10%
20.41%
88.51%
11.49%
Source: Internal Revenue Service.
Table 6. Total Income Tax Shares, 1980–2013 (Percent of Federal Income Tax Paid by Each Group)
Year
Total
Top 0.1%
Top 1%
Top 5%
Between 5% & 10%
Top 10%
Between 10% & 25%
Top 25%
Between 25% & 50%
Top 50%
Bottom 50%
1980
100%
19.05%
36.84%
12.44%
49.28%
23.74%
73.02%
19.93%
92.95%
7.05%
1981
100%
17.58%
35.06%
12.90%
47.96%
24.33%
72.29%
20.26%
92.55%
7.45%
1982
100%
19.03%
36.13%
12.45%
48.59%
23.91%
72.50%
20.15%
92.65%
7.35%
1983
100%
20.32%
37.26%
12.44%
49.71%
23.39%
73.10%
19.73%
92.83%
7.17%
1984
100%
21.12%
37.98%
12.58%
50.56%
22.92%
73.49%
19.16%
92.65%
7.35%
1985
100%
21.81%
38.78%
12.67%
51.46%
22.60%
74.06%
18.77%
92.83%
7.17%
1986
100%
25.75%
42.57%
12.12%
54.69%
21.33%
76.02%
17.52%
93.54%
6.46%
The Tax Reform Act of 1986 changed the definition of AGI, so data above and below this line are not strictly comparable.
1987
100%
24.81%
43.26%
12.35%
55.61%
21.31%
76.92%
17.02%
93.93%
6.07%
1988
100%
27.58%
45.62%
11.66%
57.28%
20.57%
77.84%
16.44%
94.28%
5.72%
1989
100%
25.24%
43.94%
11.85%
55.78%
21.44%
77.22%
16.94%
94.17%
5.83%
1990
100%
25.13%
43.64%
11.73%
55.36%
21.66%
77.02%
17.16%
94.19%
5.81%
1991
100%
24.82%
43.38%
12.45%
55.82%
21.46%
77.29%
17.23%
94.52%
5.48%
1992
100%
27.54%
45.88%
12.12%
58.01%
20.47%
78.48%
16.46%
94.94%
5.06%
1993
100%
29.01%
47.36%
11.88%
59.24%
20.03%
79.27%
15.92%
95.19%
4.81%
1994
100%
28.86%
47.52%
11.93%
59.45%
20.10%
79.55%
15.68%
95.23%
4.77%
1995
100%
30.26%
48.91%
11.84%
60.75%
19.62%
80.36%
15.03%
95.39%
4.61%
1996
100%
32.31%
50.97%
11.54%
62.51%
18.80%
81.32%
14.36%
95.68%
4.32%
1997
100%
33.17%
51.87%
11.33%
63.20%
18.47%
81.67%
14.05%
95.72%
4.28%
1998
100%
34.75%
53.84%
11.20%
65.04%
17.65%
82.69%
13.10%
95.79%
4.21%
1999
100%
36.18%
55.45%
11.00%
66.45%
17.09%
83.54%
12.46%
96.00%
4.00%
2000
100%
37.42%
56.47%
10.86%
67.33%
16.68%
84.01%
12.08%
96.09%
3.91%
The IRS changed methodology, so data above and below this line are not strictly comparable.
2001
100%
15.68%
33.22%
52.24%
11.44%
63.68%
17.88%
81.56%
13.54%
95.10%
4.90%
2002
100%
15.09%
33.09%
52.86%
11.77%
64.63%
18.04%
82.67%
13.12%
95.79%
4.21%
2003
100%
15.37%
33.69%
53.54%
11.35%
64.89%
17.87%
82.76%
13.17%
95.93%
4.07%
2004
100%
17.12%
36.28%
56.35%
10.96%
67.30%
16.52%
83.82%
12.31%
96.13%
3.87%
2005
100%
18.91%
38.78%
58.93%
10.52%
69.46%
15.61%
85.07%
11.35%
96.41%
3.59%
2006
100%
19.24%
39.36%
59.49%
10.59%
70.08%
15.41%
85.49%
11.10%
96.59%
3.41%
2007
100%
19.84%
39.81%
59.90%
10.51%
70.41%
15.30%
85.71%
10.93%
96.64%
3.36%
2008
100%
18.20%
37.51%
58.06%
11.14%
69.20%
16.37%
85.57%
11.33%
96.90%
3.10%
2009
100%
16.91%
36.34%
58.17%
11.72%
69.89%
16.85%
86.74%
10.80%
97.54%
2.46%
2010
100%
17.88%
37.38%
59.07%
11.55%
70.62%
16.49%
87.11%
10.53%
97.64%
2.36%
2011
100%
16.14%
35.06%
56.49%
11.77%
68.26%
17.36%
85.62%
11.50%
97.11%
2.89%
2012
100%
18.60%
38.09%
58.95%
11.22%
70.17%
16.25%
86.42%
10.80%
97.22%
2.78%
2013
100%
18.48%
37.80%
58.55%
11.25%
69.80%
16.47%
86.27%
10.94%
97.22%
2.78%
Source: Internal Revenue Service.
Table 7. Dollar Cut-Off, 1980–2013 (Minimum AGI for Tax Returns to Fall into Various Percentiles; Thresholds Not Adjusted for Inflation)
Year
Top 0.1%
Top 1%
Top 5%
Top 10%
Top 25%
Top 50%
1980
$80,580
$43,792
$35,070
$23,606
$12,936
1981
$85,428
$47,845
$38,283
$25,655
$14,000
1982
$89,388
$49,284
$39,676
$27,027
$14,539
1983
$93,512
$51,553
$41,222
$27,827
$15,044
1984
$100,889
$55,423
$43,956
$29,360
$15,998
1985
$108,134
$58,883
$46,322
$30,928
$16,688
1986
$118,818
$62,377
$48,656
$32,242
$17,302
The Tax Reform Act of 1986 changed the definition of AGI, so data above and below this line are not strictly comparable.
1987
$139,289
$68,414
$52,921
$33,983
$17,768
1988
$157,136
$72,735
$55,437
$35,398
$18,367
1989
$163,869
$76,933
$58,263
$36,839
$18,993
1990
$167,421
$79,064
$60,287
$38,080
$19,767
1991
$170,139
$81,720
$61,944
$38,929
$20,097
1992
$181,904
$85,103
$64,457
$40,378
$20,803
1993
$185,715
$87,386
$66,077
$41,210
$21,179
1994
$195,726
$91,226
$68,753
$42,742
$21,802
1995
$209,406
$96,221
$72,094
$44,207
$22,344
1996
$227,546
$101,141
$74,986
$45,757
$23,174
1997
$250,736
$108,048
$79,212
$48,173
$24,393
1998
$269,496
$114,729
$83,220
$50,607
$25,491
1999
$293,415
$120,846
$87,682
$52,965
$26,415
2000
$313,469
$128,336
$92,144
$55,225
$27,682
The IRS changed methodology, so data above and below this line are not strictly comparable.
2001
$1,393,718
$306,635
$132,082
$96,151
$59,026
$31,418
2002
$1,245,352
$296,194
$130,750
$95,699
$59,066
$31,299
2003
$1,317,088
$305,939
$133,741
$97,470
$59,896
$31,447
2004
$1,617,918
$339,993
$140,758
$101,838
$62,794
$32,622
2005
$1,938,175
$379,261
$149,216
$106,864
$64,821
$33,484
2006
$2,124,625
$402,603
$157,390
$112,016
$67,291
$34,417
2007
$2,251,017
$426,439
$164,883
$116,396
$69,559
$35,541
2008
$1,867,652
$392,513
$163,512
$116,813
$69,813
$35,340
2009
$1,469,393
$351,968
$157,342
$114,181
$68,216
$34,156
2010
$1,634,386
$369,691
$161,579
$116,623
$69,126
$34,338
2011
$1,717,675
$388,905
$167,728
$120,136
$70,492
$34,823
2012
$2,161,175
$434,682
$175,817
$125,195
$73,354
$36,055
2013
$1,860,848
$428,713
$179,760
$127,695
$74,955
$36,841
Source: Internal Revenue Service.
Table 8. Average Tax Rate, 1980–2013 (Percent of AGI Paid in Income Taxes)
Year
Total
Top 0.1%
Top 1%
Top 5%
Between 5% & 10%
Top 10%
Between 10% & 25%
Top 25%
Between 25% & 50%
Top 50%
Bottom 50%
1980
15.31%
34.47%
26.85%
17.13%
23.49%
14.80%
19.72%
11.91%
17.29%
6.10%
1981
15.76%
33.37%
26.59%
18.16%
23.64%
15.53%
20.11%
12.48%
17.73%
6.62%
1982
14.72%
31.43%
25.05%
16.61%
22.17%
14.35%
18.79%
11.63%
16.57%
6.10%
1983
13.79%
30.18%
23.64%
15.54%
20.91%
13.20%
17.62%
10.76%
15.52%
5.66%
1984
13.68%
29.92%
23.42%
15.57%
20.81%
12.90%
17.47%
10.48%
15.35%
5.77%
1985
13.73%
29.86%
23.50%
15.69%
20.93%
12.83%
17.55%
10.41%
15.41%
5.70%
1986
14.54%
33.13%
25.68%
15.99%
22.64%
12.97%
18.72%
10.48%
16.32%
5.63%
The Tax Reform Act of 1986 changed the definition of AGI, so data above and below this line are not strictly comparable.
1987
13.12%
26.41%
22.10%
14.43%
19.77%
11.71%
16.61%
9.45%
14.60%
5.09%
1988
13.21%
24.04%
21.14%
14.07%
19.18%
11.82%
16.47%
9.60%
14.64%
5.06%
1989
13.12%
23.34%
20.71%
13.93%
18.77%
12.08%
16.27%
9.77%
14.53%
5.11%
1990
12.95%
23.25%
20.46%
13.63%
18.50%
12.01%
16.06%
9.73%
14.36%
5.01%
1991
12.75%
24.37%
20.62%
13.96%
18.63%
11.57%
15.93%
9.55%
14.20%
4.62%
1992
12.94%
25.05%
21.19%
13.99%
19.13%
11.39%
16.25%
9.42%
14.44%
4.39%
1993
13.32%
28.01%
22.71%
14.01%
20.20%
11.40%
16.90%
9.37%
14.90%
4.29%
1994
13.50%
28.23%
23.04%
14.20%
20.48%
11.57%
17.15%
9.42%
15.11%
4.32%
1995
13.86%
28.73%
23.53%
14.46%
20.97%
11.71%
17.58%
9.43%
15.47%
4.39%
1996
14.34%
28.87%
24.07%
14.74%
21.55%
11.86%
18.12%
9.53%
15.96%
4.40%
1997
14.48%
27.64%
23.62%
14.87%
21.36%
12.04%
18.18%
9.63%
16.09%
4.48%
1998
14.42%
27.12%
23.63%
14.79%
21.42%
11.63%
18.16%
9.12%
16.00%
4.44%
1999
14.85%
27.53%
24.18%
15.06%
21.98%
11.76%
18.66%
9.12%
16.43%
4.48%
2000
15.26%
27.45%
24.42%
15.48%
22.34%
12.04%
19.09%
9.28%
16.86%
4.60%
The IRS changed methodology, so data above and below this line are not strictly comparable.
(1) For data prior to 2001, all tax returns that have a positive AGI are included, even those that do not have a positive income tax liability. For data from 2001 forward, returns with negative AGI are also included, but dependent returns are excluded.
(2) Income tax after credits (the measure of “income taxes paid” above) does not account for the refundable portion of EITC. If it were included, the tax share of the top income groups would be higher. The refundable portion is classified as a spending program by the Office of Management and Budget and therefore is not included by the IRS in these figures.
(3) The only tax analyzed here is the federal individual income tax, which is responsible for about 25 percent of the nation’s taxes paid (at all levels of government). Federal income taxes are much more progressive than payroll taxes, which are responsible for about 20 percent of all taxes paid (at all levels of government), and are more progressive than most state and local taxes.
(4) AGI is a fairly narrow income concept and does not include income items like government transfers (except for the portion of Social Security benefits that is taxed), the value of employer-provided health insurance, underreported or unreported income (most notably that of sole proprietors), income derived from municipal bond interest, net imputed rental income, and others.
(5) The unit of analysis here is that of the tax return. In the figures prior to 2001, some dependent returns are included. Under other units of analysis (like the Treasury Department’s Family Economic Unit), these returns would likely be paired with parents’ returns.
(6) These figures represent the legal incidence of the income tax. Most distributional tables (such as those from CBO, Tax Policy Center, Citizens for Tax Justice, the Treasury Department, and JCT) assume that the entire economic incidence of personal income taxes falls on the income earner.
Story 2: Movement Conservatives, Constitutional Conservatives, Tea Party Patriots, Libertarians, and Classical Liberals Will Start Successful Viable Party — Independents United Against The Two Party Tyranny of Big Government Democrats and Republicans — Videos
Milton Friedman – Collectivism
Milton Friedman – Socialism is Force
Milton Friedman – The role of government in a free society
Milton Friedman on Classical Liberalism
Milton Friedman – Rights of Workers
Milton Friedman: There’s No Such Thing as a Free Lunch
TAKE IT TO THE LIMITS: Milton Friedman on Libertarianism
THE ECONOMY’S NEW CLOTHES: Milton Friedman on the New Economy
The Future of Austrian Economics | Murray N. Rothbard
David Friedman & Bob Murphy – The Chicago Vs. Austrian School Debate – PorcFest X
The Pronk Pops blog is the broadcasting and mass communication of ideas about life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, prosperity, truth, virtue and wisdom.
Leave a Reply